At Tbilisi's recently opened free theatre, the audience never quite knows what to expect. Just in case, they're draped in sheets of plastic. The show begins with an angry monologue against Georgia's political establishment. Such free speech was unthinkable only a few years ago. Wanting to check the time, the actor persuades one member of the audience to lend him his wristwatch. There's worse to come. Soon, more actors join in, pelting the audience with rotten fruit, eggs and paint. As theatre goes, it's volatile and unpredictable, much like Georgia itself. A decade after independence from the Soviet Union, Georgians are still struggling to redefine themselves.
ALEXANDER RONDELI, POLITICAL ANALYST: Three generations completely emasculated, politically, economically, socially, culturally. How we can expect to have normal country in 10 years, especially in Georgia, where everyone is king and everyone is, how to say, lady-killer and best drunkard in the world and, you know, the most intelligent man. So it's quite difficult, how to forge so many geniuses in one democratic country.
Within months of Georgia's independence from the crumbling Soviet bloc, it was itself falling apart. The western region of Abkhazia declared itself a breakaway republic. Soon after, the province of South Ossetia also began clamouring for independence. In the 10 years of fighting in Abkhazia, thousands have died and hundreds of thousands of refugees have fled their homes. Abkhazian refugees throw petrol bombs whilst being evicted from a botanical institute near Georgia's capital, Tbilisi. Crowded into government-owned buildings and hotels across Georgia, thousands of refugees have laid to waste the country's tourist infrastructure. Fights with police are commonplace. It's just one of many problems which threaten to overwhelm Georgia's President Eduard Shevardnadze and this unusual and fragile democracy. But Shevardnadze has faced even deadlier threats. This is closed-circuit TV footage of the second attempt on his life in 1998. Remarkably, despite the destruction, Shevardnadze survived the bombing. By then, he was already getting used to it. Three years earlier, he escaped a machinegun attack, which left two of his bodyguards dead. Georgia remains a tense place.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI, EDITOR, '60 MINUTES': If I'm driving and I don't have my cap on, the police recognises me and, if I do violate something, they don't stop.
This is Akaki Gogichaishavili, the face of investigative journalism in Georgia. Wearing a cap as a simple disguise might seem a touch paranoid but, as the presenter of Georgia's hard-hitting version of the '60 Minutes' program, he's got sound reason to be on his guard.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: We, at large, create a political season in this country and politics is, at large, based on what we report and show. So we very often set a political agenda in this country. We have lots of threats from different governmental structures, as well as private business. I will remember, for example, when the president of the country himself made a speech in front of the governmental session and it was broadcasted and he said that '60 Minutes', this is a program that works against the country, against the nation and that the anchor, which is me, has evil in his eyes and when, in a country like Georgia, a president says like that...things like that, that's very scary.
Today, Akaki has dropped in at police headquarters to witness the inauguration of Tbilisi's new police chief. He's been invited because his program exposed the corruption and inefficiency under Tbilisi's last chief of police. The new chief is nervous, the atmosphere tense, but Akaki is treated with a wary respect.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: We're, you know, human beings and we get frightened as well as anyone does. But our solution so far, our experience through all this kinds of attacks, is that you shouldn't given in. The moment you give in and do some compromise, that means the end of anything.
Akaki came up with the idea of an investigative TV program for Georgia while studying journalism in the United States. The journalists here call it "60 minutes of democracy". With fewer desks than reporters, this tiny office doesn't look much, but it's the base of the gutsiest television current
affairs program on air in the former Soviet Union.
NICK TABATADZE, CHIEF EXECUTIVE, RUSTAVI TWO TV:: I was warned that there was already hired a killer who is, you know, who has a list of me and other two top managers, and Akaki himself on Rustavi Two, and please be careful and phone calls and messages like that, so it's not, it's not very easy to do that job.
Rustavi Two is the independent television station which broadcasts Akaki's '60 Minutes' program. Combined with its independent news service, Rustavi Two has become the most popular channel in Georgia. Nick Tabatadze, just 27 years old, doubles as newsreader and chief executive officer and he's already a deft hand at deflecting political and commercial pressures.
NICK TABATADZE: The first program of '60 Minutes' was devoted to the businesses which are run by Shevardnadze, the President's family, and one of them runs a huge mobile phone telecommunications business, and, just after the program, he refused to place any advertisement, to be a media buyer on Rustavi Two. And the only source of the revenue for us is advertising, so we lost that media buyer but, for us, the main principle was the freedom of speech, the truth, which we are following to say, to tell to our viewers.
Despite mounting commercial threats and worse, Rustavi Two pressed ahead with its independent reporting, uncovering corruption and increasingly critical of the government. On 26 July last year, the stakes changed. One of Rustavi's most popular journalists, Georgy Sanaya, was found dead - the indications were of an execution-style killing. Sanaya had been working on a story about drug smuggling in Georgia's Pankisi Gorge and was trying to obtain a videotape linking top government officials to the racket. Thousands of people attended his funeral. The massive outpouring of public sympathy was also a demonstration of people's disgust at Georgia's lawlessness. After several months, a former policeman confessed to the murder. But most of Sanaya's colleagues believe there was another killer, and that the policeman took the rap in a deal to clear his gambling debts.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: If the official investigation will decide that this was an accident, that they had some argument and, because of that, he shot the person, by our local law, it envisages only up to five years of imprisonment, which, I guess, which is usually the case, when they want, they can, after a year, for example, they will say, "OK, it's, now you have to serve three years," and then after a year they will release the person.
On 31 October last year, the government finally made its move against the crusading TV station. Georgian intelligence, tax and police officials barged into Rustavi's Tbilisi offices. Their pretext was financial irregularities at the station. What they didn't count on were quick-thinking journalists who broadcast the raid live.
TV BROADCAST (Translation) - REPORTER: With so many intelligence officers here, do any of you know why you're here? You don't know either? Do you have any official document, that gives you the right to enter a private TV station?
NICK TABATADZE: Have a good day. My regards to your bosses.
RUSTAVI TWO EMPLOYEE: Are we supposed to respect private property or what? Please go! This way please.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: We broadcast it. Our office flooded with these officers of security. By the time their number was about 100, and they weren't doing anything, but this whole situation was really chaotic and hysterical.
TV BROADCAST (Translation): We're staying until you let us in. Stay, stay!
RUSTAVI TWO EMPLOYEE: Who do you want to negotiate with? I'm telling you, we won't negotiate. You've already gone too far.
This dramatic live broadcast prompted an unprecedented public response. Within minutes, as many as 100 people jammed the entrance to the station to prevent further attacks.
TV BROADCAST (Translation) reporter: You can now see the intelligence officers leaving Rustavi Two.
As the police beat a hasty retreat, the public response seemed unstoppable. Within 24 hours, thousands had amassed in an anti-government demonstration. Shevardnadze had no choice. To defuse the crisis, he sacked the entire government and pledged his commitment to freedom of speech. For Akaki Gogichaishavili, the public reaction had a special meaning.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: After years of no effect, no results on your shows, you always ask this question - "Why you're doing this, you know, what is the reason we are doing this?" And when I saw this public support, I was - this was the answer of my doubts that this is why we are working, because public wants it and public is supporting it.
NICK TABATADZE: Someone in history will tell that this is the television channel which ousted the government, so we will be very proud to hear that. But definitely, that was not our intention. At first, we were just defending ourselves, nothing else.
ALEXANDER RONDELI: Georgia is very difficult country, you know. We have no experience of modern democratic statehood - not only democratic, of modern statehood. So to create modern state is tremendous, gigantic task which - even for Mr Shevardnadze - is quite difficult and he understood it. He's more experienced in foreign policy and, also, you know, he's dealing with very strong neighbours without anything in a sense. What kind of cards he has - nothing.
Alexander Rondeli heads up one of Georgia's leading political and strategic think-tanks. He believes it's Russia's inability to let go of supposedly independent Georgia that's creating problems. For example, there are still Russian military bases in the capital, Tbilisi, and other parts of Georgia. It's a source of constant tension.
ALEXANDER RONDELI: It's not easy to escape this bear which is at your doors. But now especially during, you know, the last two months, I would say, even one month maybe, Russian pressure and Russian blackmail is growing and, if you read Russian newspapers or watch Russian TV, you will see that Georgia is portrayed like enemy number one.
An hour out of Tbilisi at the Asureti military base, foreign defence attaches watch the Georgian special forces do their thing. But these exercises are controversial. The weapons and training are part of a $64 million military upgrade provided by Washington. This new US toehold in the region makes Russia very uneasy. These commandos will be used in America's war on terror, to flush out so-called terrorists from Georgia's volatile border regions like the Pankisi Gorge, on the border with Chechnya.
GELA BEZHUASHVILI, DEPUTY DEFENCE MINISTER: Together with American help, we have probably the best quality of training and equipment, which we desperately need. And also financial resources will be available. Together with in this program, we will develop ourselves in Georgia special programs to, for example, to incorporate professional army.
The US alliance is Shevardnadze's latest foreign policy ploy and yet another point of friction between Georgia and its powerful neighbour Russia.
IGOR IVANOV, RUSSIAN FOREIGN MINISTER (Translation): Regarding possible US military deployment in Georgia, we think it could further aggravate the situation in the region.
ALEXANDER RONDELI: When you are constantly humiliated by your more powerful neighbour, which teaches you every day how to behave and believes that you are his possession still, it's always better to see someone stronger who comes and, at least, morally supports you.
At the Georgian Defence Ministry, colonels and secretaries alike come together for their daily English lesson. It's yet another demonstration of the American-led Westernisation of Georgia's military. Officially, Russia's President Putin has not opposed the US presence in Georgia, remarking that it was "no great tragedy", but, in Russia's parliament, the response has been acid. Russian nationalists have fuelled an anti-Georgian campaign, which continues to grow. Some commentators are worried that Russia will take a harder line against Georgia by actively supporting independence in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and they point out that Russian bases in Georgia might be used to foment further troubles.
REPORTER: Nick Lazaredes, SBS Television, Australia. Mr President, it seems that the response from Russia is increasingly angry...
But, despite the threats, the President remains unfazed by Russia's inflammatory rhetoric.
EDUARD SHEVARDNADZE, PRESIDENT OF GEORGIA (Translation): As for the threats, we are a different people and we don't have a powerful army, but we've got strong enough nerves that all those threats don't particularly alarm us. And I think that, in Russia itself, they should sort out why the President says one thing that's mostly acceptable and, in the parliament, they say the complete opposite. If Russia is one country, there shouldn't be such contradictions.
ALEXANDER RONDELI: The Russian military destroyed the Caucasus, created problems here, created the conflicts here, created mistrust of Russia here and I think, for Mr Putin, it's quite difficult to restore good name of Russia in the Caucasus, especially Georgia.
Head north out of the capital, and soon enough, you'll see the Caucasus, laid out in awesome splendour. Life here is slow and primitive by Tbilisi standards. But the Caucasus are a strategic part of the region. Deep within this mountain range lies the Pankisi Gorge, inaccessible and bordering Chechnya, where rebels are locked in a bitter struggle for independence from Russia. The Gorge has long been considered a haven for terrorists and criminals. For Shevardnadze and his American partners, it's the ideal location to kick off their new anti-terror campaign. The Pankisi Gorge is a closed zone. But what goes on here has been of great interest to Akaki and his '60 Minutes' team. Journalists are unwelcome, but with the agreement of the local governor, we managed to get a glimpse for a few hours at least. The journey here's not easy. We negotiate several roadblocks before reaching the first village. With no effective law here, a police escort was provided for our journey.
The village of Duisi certainly doesn't look like a refuge for fundamentalist terrorists, but it does have a mosque. Nearly everyone here is Chechen, most of them refugees. We did see some armed men in military-style clothing, but they quickly disappeared. As we filmed, most men hid their faces or slid indoors. Within minutes of our arrival, it seemed that the only inhabitants of Duisi were old women and children. If you venture past Duisi and further up into the Pankisi Gorge, there are another four villages before you hit the Russian border and beyond that is Chechnya. Now, the police won't take us any further than this because they say, beyond here, the area is lawless and, in fact, crawling with Chechen rebels, and kidnappings are common. One of our two police escorts was abducted from this Pankisi roadblock just a few weeks earlier by a local Chechen crime boss. He was released after a few days. In contrast to the constant warnings to be on our guard, the hospitality we received from Chechen refugee families was overwhelming, like this family of eight living in the one room, who insisted on providing us with a welcoming hot meal. Downstairs, in a small room, Khvazhi Uzuyev works on his portrait of the assassinated Chechen rebel leader, President Dudayev. Khvazhi fled the Russian bombs in Chechnya by walking through the mountains in the middle of winter and he's had enough of Russian propaganda.
KHVAZHI UZUYEV, CHECHEN REFUGEE (Translation): "The Chechen is a bandit, a terrorist, a fundamentalist. He's an outlaw, a savage." Everything that could be said about Chechens has already been said. Nothing Russia says can surprise us any more. There's nothing that can surprise the Chechen nation.
Disregarding Georgia's international border, Russia has been bombing Pankisi villages off and on for several months. They claim Chechen independence fighters use the Gorge as a base for attacks on Russia.
KHVASI UZUYEV (Translation): There are no terrorists here, no bandits. If they choose to name as terrorists and bandits those who fight for independence, well they can call them what they wish. But they did bomb this area. We heard it. It was pretty close, over that mountain, a little higher up, they bombed the mountain villages.
It's no surprise then that most residents prefer American involvement in Pankisi rather than Russian air strikes.
ROMAN SADULAEV, CHECHEN RESIDENT (Translation): Americans, as I see it, here and in other places, are very decent and honest. As for the Russians, they don't even believe in God. You can't trust anything about them.
ASLANBEK ABDURZAKOV, CHECHEN REFUGEE (Translation): If Georgia decided that it needs Americans here, so be it. It's no problem for us. It's an internal matter for Georgia. So long as we're accepted here as refugees, we're willing to uphold Georgian laws and act as law-abiding citizens.
The '60 Minutes' team has been combing the gorge for the last 12 months. In a series of blockbuster reports, they revealed the presence of al-Qa'ida terrorists and government-sponsored drug trafficking.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: Pankisi was sort of a warehouse, so they have block posts everywhere and that way they conserve whatever is happening there, so it's like a warehouse - they bring in drugs, arms and it's quite safe to keep it there and they're making deals from there. Everyone takes bribes to escorts, terrorists, or drugs or arms and we did stories about that.
In March this year, '60 Minutes' broadcast their most powerful Pankisi story yet, revealing that, far from fighting terrorism in Chechnya, sections of the Russian military were running guns to Chechen militants. The program exposed the activities of a corrupt Georgian army colonel, who was smuggling weapons from Russian military bases in Georgia to Chechen fighters in Pankisi Gorge.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI - EXCERPT '60 MINUTES' STORY (Translation): Tonight, sensational video, showing arms deals in the Pankisi Gorge. We will show how arms get into Pankisi from Russian bases in Tskhinvali. Their final destination is Chechnya. Far from joining the anti-terrorist operations, Russia is truly running guns. Kurtanidze exposed this with the help of a Chechen intelligence officer.
The '60 Minutes ' story was completed with the help of Chechen rebel intelligence officer, Ayub Paikaev. The culprit was Georgian military colonel Tristan Tsitelashvili. He agreed to deliver arms from the Russian base at Tskhinvali to Pankisi Gorge.
EXCERPT '60 MINUTES' STORY (Translation): COLONEL
TSITELASHVILI: The goods came from Tskhinvali.
AYUB PAIKAEV: They say, "When you get the shipment, take it and get it delivered to Pankisi."
COLONEL TSITELASHVILI: From Tskhinvali?
AYUB PAIKAEV: Yes.
COLONEL TSITELASHVILI: Where do they want those rounds delivered - to Tbilisi or Akhmeta itself?
AYUB PAIKAEV: To Akhmeta. The other car will take it from here.
Not only was the crooked colonel running guns to Chechen rebels, he also offered to kidnap a wealthy Georgian businessman from Tbilisi to take back to the Pankisi Gorge. Minutes after they left this restaurant, the waiting '60 Minutes' crew was detained by police. Within a few days, the program was contacted by the colonel, with a remarkable offer. He was willing to implicate his superiors in the racket if '60 Minutes' dropped their report on him. His proposal was rejected.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: This is the message from him. This is the bullet that went into our window the very same day. Yet nothing happens to this person. He's still out there. No interrogation has been ever conducted against him and we, I guess, we are still under threat as far as he's unpunished and no measures, no steps are taken against him.
Despite their best efforts, the police were unable to discover who fired the shot. And Ayub Paikaev, the Chechen rebel intelligence officer turned '60 Minutes' informer, is also having troubles. He remains in hiding, in fear of revenge from the colonel, and a $10,000 contract on his life from his former rebel colleagues, who declared him a traitor. The '60 Minutes' story demonstrated that nothing in this strategic gorge is quite what it seems and, if America is helping Georgia prepare an assault on the gorge to flush out al-Qa'ida terrorists, then Akaki has more revelations. The terrorists are gone.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: Well, based on our sources, it was a true story in the beginning that terrorists fled from Afghanistan, where some of them at least concentrated in Pankisi Gorge. But right after they started talking about the anti-terrorist operation, most of them, and, in fact, by now, I guess, all of them, fled the region. They went back to Turkey and elsewhere.
If, as Akaki says, the terrorist threat has diminished, what exactly is America up to in Georgia? This is where you will find the answer - several hundred kilometres away from the Pankisi Gorge. Here, in Georgia's dry eastern interior, an oil pipeline slowly makes its way towards the horizon. It has a long way to go, but this is the real reason for America's new-found interest in Georgia and another sore point for Russia.
ALEXANDER RONDELI: Americans are the greatest consumers of oil in the world, so their interests towards energy in the Caspian is absolutely natural. So in Russian interests also mostly based on oil.
Russia wants to build its own pipeline through war-torn Abkhazia ending on the Black Sea, but the US, with its heavy investment in the nearby Caspian Sea oil industry, prefers this pipeline and it's keen to protect its interest. It seems that Georgia's future is hostage to forces well beyond its control.
ALEXANDER RONDELI: Georgia is weak, helpless mostly, and Georgia is located strategically in a very sensitive place for Russia, not only for Russia, but Russia believes that this is the most important, key country in its policy in the Caucuses, in the whole area here. So Russians are trying to stay here, militarily, politically, at least to maintain certain influence here and all this time, we are struggling with them.
As Georgia struggles to find its way in a post-Soviet world, there are those determined to enshrine hard-won freedoms. Akaki Gogichaishavili is adamant that free speech should prosper. This year, he established the '60 Minutes' school for investigative journalists. He hopes to prepare 20 journalists a year who'll keep politicians on their toes.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: If we're shut down, we hope to - we are trying to give our knowledge and experience to other people, so if we're separated from this business in some way, there will be others who will be willing and able to do the same thing.
Free speech may be catching on, but, as Georgia's recent history shows, nothing can be taken for granted.
AKAKI GOGICHAISHVILI: Looking from our standpoint, we are no longer receiving any pressure from the government. We don't have illusions that this will last forever, that the government's decided to vote for democracy and free press, but it's just that I guess they're working on some new strategy which is very scary. I mean, this is, this is being waiting for worse every day. But, so far, so good, and we're doing our job.