In the deserts of Turkmenistan the fundamental rhythm of life has remained unchanged for centuries. The end of civilisation as we know it would be of only passing interest here. Sandwiched between competing empires for much of its history Turkmenistan is a forgotten place.

Out here the camel is still king. Of course a few people have cars. They watch television and listen to the radio. But none of those modern conveniences can match the singular importance of the camel.

Woman: The milk is curative. It cures heart trouble and you can use the wool. The camel helps the whole family.

Turkmenistan is one of the poorest countries to emerge from the ruins of the old Soviet Union, yet potentially it's one of the richest.

It has some of the largest reserves of natural gas found anywhere in the world and there's plenty of oil too.

But the problem at the moment is that the pipelines carrying that oil and gas go up through Russia and on to places like Ukraine that can't or won't pay world prices for the products.

So the Turkmenistan government wants to head a new pipeline off into Iran, then on to Turkey and sell it's oil and gas directly to states in Western Europe. If it does that, it could turn Turkmenistan into another Kuwait.

Boris Shikmuradov, Vice Premier: In the year 2000 you will come here and you will see an absolutely different society. We don't want to take too many years.

On the outskirts of the capital Ashkhbad is a symbol of the hope and expectation that has filled this place since independence.

standing out like a mini Las Vegas in waiting is a strip of state owned hotels, including a casino. They've cost millions of dollars and most of the time they are empty.

They represent both the potential wealth of Turkmenistan and the current government's failure to convert that potential.

JOSEPH HULLINGS Ambassador: Part of the problem has been that when Turkmenistan first got its independence one: the people and the government felt, gee, we're a wealthy country because we have these resources. In other words, they were translating the potential of the country into something that was actual and that just was not there.

Each Sunday most of Turkmenistan's four million plus population seems to be at the market in Ashkhbad. It's everything from carpets to camels here. An energetic reminder that Turkmenistan's tribal past is still not far below the surface.


In the national theater they were having a folk music competition. Not a big crowd, it has to be said, but then it was the middle of the day and most people have to earn a living first. The competitors at least seemed enthusiastic.

The resurgence of Turkman culture is quite naturally, an important symbol of independence. But the other symbol of the new Turkmenistan is altogether harder to justify and inherently less stable.

Throughout the streets of the capital are pictures of the man who's promised to lead Turkmenistan into prosperity.

Saparmurat Niyazov used to be head of the Communist Party here. Now he's president of independent Turkmenistan and he's assumed the grander title of Turkmenbashi, Chief of the Turkmen. He's also the creator of a personality cult that has no real parallel in the ex-Soviet Union.

His portrait hangs on most public buildings and Turkmenistan television is simply a catalogue of his daily triumphs amid an adoring public.

Young girl: Son of the Turkmen People, the President Saparmurat Niyazov, Turkmenbashi, who thinks and worries so much about our childhood has come to visit us.

Niyazov was elected in 1992 claiming a mere 99.5% of the vote. Last year he held a referendum in which just 99.9% of his constituents purportedly voted yes to keeping him president until 2002.

In the parliamentary elections six months ago, fifty candidates ran for the 50 seats, one in each district. Any pretence at democracy has been sacrificed in the name of stability.

Boris: We can just proclaim that a multi-party system is there and then tomorrow - three, four, five, ten parties will be created with maybe 70, 20, 25 people and they will claim that they are parties but that will create a lot of social disturbances and this is one of the games we don't want to play with our independence.

In southern Turkmenistan the desert finally gives way to rough pasture. This is the home of the famed Akhalteke horses.

A century and a half ago they would have been used in battle against the Russians.

Man: There is a saying in Turkmenistan, when you wake up in the morning, first greet your father, then greet your horse.

Nowadays they are bred for racing, and no prizes for guessing who is the chief patron, fancier and owner of Akhalteke horses in Turkmenistan today - President Niyazov, of course.

Imam Guly is the trainer of the President's horses. These horses also seem to form an important part of Turkmenistan foreign policy.

Britain's John Major has been given one, Francois Mitterand is also a recipient. Iran's president, Rafsanjani, wanted to climb aboard for a test ride.

Man: We gave him a horse and he wanted to mount and ride it. It would have been so embarrassing if he fell, so embarrassing, so we didn't let him do it.

The reasons for this equine largesse are simple enough. Beyond these mountains lies Iran, the route Turkmenistan favours for its pipeline to Turkey.

But political considerations put Iran off limits for American investors and although the Turkmenistan government says it will go ahead and start the project it'll need help, probably from other European countries if it's to realise its full potential.

Boris: We understand that the pipeline infrastructure is the pillar of our independent development and the pillar for survival of this government. We are very realistic people in this government. Whatever we can do for our nation, we shall do.

For the moment most people in this country are probably willing to continue with President Niyazov's plan of ten years of stability in exchange for prosperity.

While wages here are low, food prices are heavily subsidised. Electricity, water and salt are free and there's a promise to extend that to bread soon as well. In any event, dissenting voices are simply not tolerated.

Avdy Kuliev was a middle ranking career diplomat in the Soviet Foreign Ministry when he decided to return to Turkmenistan in 1990 and become its foreign minister.

But he soon fell out with Niyazov and is now heading an unofficial opposition from Moscow. He accuses Niyazov of jailing and even torturing political opponents.

AVDY KULIEV, Former Foreign Minister: One of his opponents, Yusup Kuliev, a journalist and an actor was subjected to torture. They drugged him with something and now he is practically under house arrest and can't' leave.

Independent reports have also criticized Niyazov’s methods.

Hulling: There are violations, not of broad human rights, the way, let’s say, occurred recently during the Stalinist period there are even later periods in the Soviet Union, but certainly violations of political rights.

President Niyazov has succeeded in putting himself at the center of a national cultural, social and hopefully economic revival. A generation is growing up being told that to criticize their political leader is to betray their heritage and their nation.

But will the people of Turkmenistan still be obedient if the prosperous future they've been promised remains just a dream?
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