HONG KONG -
Split Families
September
2002 – 48 mins
On
the morning of June 7 this year, Mrs Cheng was home with her two children. Her
husband had already left for work.
MRS CHENG (Translation): I
was over there making breakfast. I hadn't brushed my teeth yet and I was still
in my pyjamas. My son and daughter were asleep.
From the kitchen, Mrs Cheng
heard voices at the door.
MRS CHENG (Translation): A
group of more than ten people including the police came. I tried not to be
concerned, or to look at them. They then told me to open the door.
She knew immediately who
they'd come for. Her 19-year-old daughter, Sai Sui, was born in mainland China
and only had a temporary permit to stay in Hong Kong. That permit had expired.
Immigration officers gave Sai Sui just enough time to brush her teeth and pack
her bags before they took her away.
MRS CHENG (Translation): I
cried so much that day that I could barely breathe. My blood pressure shot up
to 200, with me crying so much. My daughter was also afraid that she'd be
handcuffed. My daughter then said to me, "Mum, I have to go. They'll
handcuff me. I'm so afraid." She said "Why do they have to deport me,
Mum? I've been here for so many years. Why do they have to take me away?"
Sai Sui was deported to
mainland China later that day. She's just one of approximately 10,000 people
Hong Kong doesn't want.
MR CHOW (Translation): All
we are pleading for is family reunion. Right? But the government comes and
arrests our children. They are handcuffed, put in a vehicle and taken away.
They break down doors to enter our homes. Even slaves shouldn't be treated like
that.
The parents in this room
all share Mrs Cheng's plight. They are Hong Kong residents, but their children
are not. The Government refuses to give their children the right of abode in Hong Kong, and has started sending them back to mainland
China - by force if necessary.
MAN IN MEETING (Translation): I've said it before, we will persevere.
Even if all our children are arrested, the parents will fight you. We will
periodically challenge the authorities. Sooner or later, they will have to
resolve this issue.
Some of the parents here
are still fighting through the courts to prevent their children being
repatriated. But time is running out. Although this man, Mr Wong, doesn't
realise it yet, he's about to lose his fight. Two weeks later, police and
immigration officers have descended upon this housing estate to arrest Mr
Wong's adult daughter. It's after 10pm. In a small flat upstairs are Mr and Mrs
Wong, their daughter, and the men who've come to take her away. The first to
emerge is Mrs Wong. During the arrest of her daughter, she collapsed and lost
consciousness. The next to be led out is Mr Wong. He and his wife are in their
70s and want their daughter to care for them as their health fails.
MR WONG (Translation): I
want this matter to go to court now. I want to resolve it. It hasn't been
resolved. Sir, take your wife to hospital.
MAN: She is in the
ambulance.
MR WONG: I want to clarify
this.
POLICE OFFICER: you're
wasting time.
MR WONG: Her life's in
danger. The case was heard on the 19th and not resolved. How can they come and
arrest people now?
After the parents are taken
away, the daughter, Ah Chi Wong, is led out. Within 24 hours, Ah Chi will be
taken to the border and handed over to mainland authorities. As an over-stayer,
she may face punishment in China. This is the sharp end of Hong Kong's approach
to people they regard as illegal immigrants.
MICHAEL WONG, DEPUTY
SECRETARY FOR SECURITY: It's really just like any
other Governments - there's a need to control the number of people who can form
and become part of this population. In the case of Hong Kong, we are a very
small territory, the entire Hong Kong is but 1100 square kilometres.
Michael Wong is Hong Kong's
Deputy Secretary for Security. The Security Bureau is in
charge of removing children who don't qualify for right of abode.
MICHAEL WONG: If they do
not enjoy the right of abode in Hong Kong under our law, that's something that
they will have to accept. And the only way for them to come to Hong Kong for
settlement purposes will be for them to go back to the mainland and apply to
come to Hong Kong under legal channels.
BISHOP ZEN Z-KUIN: Mrs
Regina Ip, is the chief of the Security Bureau. She is always making the
comparison between what the US or Canada is doing with their immigrants. But I
say, those are immigrants! Our people are not immigrants. They are Chinese.
They are the children of Hong Kong people!
The unity of the family is
central to Chinese culture. Yet for thousands of Hong Kong Chinese, a split
family has been the norm for decades. The plight of these families today says
much about how this city is faring under Chinese rule. Struggling with the
promise of 'One Country - Two Systems'. Mrs Cheng's story is typical of many
families seeking right of abode. It explains why they even need to seek that
right in the first place. Mr Cheng is a construction worker who was born and
raised in mainland China. This is where he met and married his wife.
MR CHENG (Translation):
Life in the village was very tough. The people were so poor. So much so that
affording food was a problem.
Just over the border,
though, in British-controlled Hong Kong, the economy was booming, and there was
an insatiable hunger for cheap unskilled labour. Throughout the 1970s, illegal
immigration from the mainland was encouraged. The reward if they stayed was
eventual Hong Kong residency. Like thousands of others, Mr Cheng decided to try
his luck in Hong Kong. Late one night in 1980, he left his wife and baby son
and scaled a border fence.
MR CHENG (Translation): At
first life was hard, working on a construction site. At night and alone in bed,
I would miss my family.
After seven years, Mr Cheng
was granted Hong Kong residency, but under a policy of the British Colonial
government, his wife could not automatically join him. Mrs Cheng had to apply
to mainland authorities and wait to be granted a 'One-way permit.' In 1990, 10
years after her husband left, she was finally allowed to come. However, as was
the norm, her two children were not. So Mrs Cheng left
behind 7-year-old Sai Sui and her 11-year-old brother Kin.
KIN CHENG (Translation): We
begged her to come back soon. My grandfather was still alive then. He held us
back. We were hanging onto Mum and we wouldn't let her leave.
Three years later, Kin was allowed to join his parents in Hong Kong. Sai Sui,
however, never received her one-way permit. As a result, she was raised by her
grandparents on the mainland.
MRS CHENG (Translation):
She blames me for only caring for her brother, for bringing him to Hong Kong
and leaving her behind. It's so sad. I guess she'll blame me for a long time to
come. I blame my stupidity. I don't know how to get her out. She kept blaming
me. I told her it isn't my fault. It's the Public Security Bureau that's
refused the application.
MR CHENG (Translation) The
Bureau said only one child can be approved. Two is out of the question.
It's not unusual for
Chinese authorities to issue a permit to only one child. There appears to be
little rhyme or reason to the system of one-way permits. In one celebrated
case, a man had to choose between his twin daughters. Rob Brooke is an
Australian lawyer who lives in Hong Kong. He's represented 5,000 families in
right-of-abode cases and says the one-way permit system is deeply flawed.
ROB BROOKE, LAWYER: There
are even cases where the woman has just given birth and she gets a one-way
permit and she must take it up within two weeks, otherwise it expires and this is the only opportunity for her to join her
husband in Hong Kong. So she might be breast-feeding
that baby but she's obliged to leave that baby in the mainland.
It's also a system he says
that is notoriously corrupt.
ROB BROOKE: This is a fact
which is commonly known throughout Hong Kong, throughout the Hong Kong
government, that if you've got the money and you can pay the bribe to the
people in the mainland who issue the certificate - and it's they who issue the
certificate, the one-way permit is what it's called - then you might be able to
get here earlier.
In 1997, the British handed
Hong Kong back to China. The promise of 'One Country - Two Systems' was made.
While the world held its breath and questioned the future of Hong Kong under
Chinese rule, for right-of-abode seekers, it was a time of celebration. The
reason for their joy was a document called the Basic Law. Before Handover, the
British and Chinese authorities drafted what is effectively a mini-constitution
for Hong Kong. The Basic Law laid out who has the right to be a permanent
resident. This included, for the very first time, all mainland-born children of
Hong Kong parents.
ROB BROOKE: I think there
was a great deal of hope before 1997. There were families who had long awaited for the Basic Law to come into effect and who were
expecting their children, who they'd been denied consortium with, parental
consortium with for a decade or more in some cases, they were expecting them to
be allowed to join them and that it would be a happy reunion.
On the first working day
after Handover, thousands of people queued up outside the main immigration office
to seek right of abode. Some have recently been smuggled to Hong Kong by
organised people smugglers, called 'snakeheads'. Others had arrived on
visitors' visas and overstayed. The Cheng family also saw 1997 as a time of
opportunity and organised for snakeheads to bring Sai Sui to Hong Kong.
MRS CHENG (Translation): In
1997, people I knew told me to try and bring my daughter out as it was unlikely
China would ever grant an exit permit. In Hong Kong, there may be a chance of
sympathetic consideration for a child who has to live
in China all alone. They suggested I give it a try, but my husband didn't
believe it would work.
Mr Cheng's scepticism was
well founded. Instead of receiving right of abode, hundreds were arrested and
deported, in a sign of things to come. Just 10 days after Handover, the new
Government rushed through legislation that prevented the families from applying
for right of abode in Hong Kong. The Government went on to argue that the Basic
Law didn't give all children right of abode - only those who were born after
their parents became Hong Kong residents. Thousands of families lined up to
fight the Government in court. But the new Beijing-appointed Chief Executive of
Hong Kong stood firm. He promised a fair fight.
TUNG CHEE-HWA, HONG KONG
CHIEF EXECUTIVE: We are a community very much of rule of law, so these
challenges are natural, they're expected. And we will do what the Court
eventually decides, because you know, we are a place of rule of law.
In January 1999, the
highest court in the territory, the Court of Final Appeal, ruled that the
Government was wrong, and the people were right. All children of Hong Kong
residents had a right of abode. The families were ecstatic, believing that
reunion was finally a legal reality. The Government, though, was far from
overjoyed.
MICHAEL WONG: If followed
through, it would create unacceptable pressure for Hong Kong, in terms of the
population pressures, in terms of the pressures on provision of social
services, on infrastructure that it could bring.
In an extraordinary move,
the Hong Kong government turned to Beijing. It asked the National Peoples
Congress to reinterpret the Basic Law. This unprecedented request effectively
overruled the Hong Kong court and reversed its judgment.
MICHAEL WONG: We do not
believe that the interpretation given by the Court of Final Appeal back in
January 1999 reflected a true legislative intent behind those Basic Law
provisions.
REPORTER: So the court made
a mistake, did they?
MICHAEL WONG: The court
made an interpretation that the Government did not agree with.
The families involved were
devastated. Hundreds came to protest outside the government offices. The legal
fraternity was also shocked.
REPORTER: Do you think that
the judicial system in Hong Kong was actually undermined? Was it that serious?
MARGARET NG, BARRISTER:
Absolutely. I think it was the most serious thing to happen in Hong Kong.
Margaret Ng is a barrister
and independent member of the legislative council. She organised a protest
against the reinterpretation in which 600 members of the legal community took
to the streets. They marched in silence and wore black to mourn what they saw
as a loss of judicial independence. The Government was accused of breaking its
commitment to the rule of law.
MARGARET NG: The rule of
law is based on quality before the law, and based on the government obeying the
law because the Government is very powerful. If it chooses not to obey the law
and the law only binds ordinary people then you don't have the rule of law in Hong
Kong.
Even after Beijing's
reinterpretation of the Basic Law, legal action continued. The final hope for
right-of-abode seekers and their families was another case in the Court of
Final Appeal in January this year. On the day the judgment was due to the
handed down, long lines of people gathered outside the court to wait for the
verdict. They were to be disappointed. The decision meant that right of abode
was now ruled out for the majority of claimants, around 10,000 people. Siu Yan
Wong was one of those who lost that day. Like most of the others, she was given
until March 31 to leave Hong Kong. Siu didn't leave and to avoid arrest has
gone into hiding. She didn't want the house she's staying in revealed, so we
arranged to do this interview in a car.
SIU YAN WONG (Translation):
Sometimes I feel quite bored and helpless. When I compare myself with the
people in prison here, I tend to feel that I'm worse off because the prisoners
can at least be certain that the police will not break in to arrest them. The
idea of being raided frightens me psychologically.
Sui is 25 years old.
Because she's here illegally, she can't work, study, or even walk the streets
freely. Everyone in Hong Kong carries an identity card, and can be asked to
present it at any time. Even a recent outing with friends was fraught with
risk.
SIU YAN WONG (Translation):
On that day, I saw lots of cops, I was very scared. My friends held my hands.
One put a hand on my shoulder. Before, when I saw policemen, I'd feel fine. But
when I saw them that day I was petrified.
Mr Chow heads the Parents
Committee for Right of Abode Seekers. He says there are hundreds of people who
are now in hiding. They and their families go to extraordinary lengths to evade
the authorities.
MR CHOW (Translation): A
group is formed in a street, at a housing estate or at any other place, to act
as lookouts. They then warn the others. For example, in the morning... a
parental group might be in the streets observing. If they see the vehicles from
the immigration department or when the police vehicles arrive, they immediately
inform the parents of illegal children by telephone. So that the affected
people can hide or leave the scene. Despite the negatives, they all feel...
this is the price to pay for the right to family reunion.
Sui is prepared to pay that
price, because she believes her cause is just. She says her right to live in
Hong Kong is enshrined in the Basic Law and she doesn't accept the
reinterpretation. Sui also believes if she returns to China now, she'll be
blacklisted by authorities and prevented from visiting her family for at least
five years.
SIU YAN WONG Translation):
If the worst happens and I'm ultimately arrested and sent back, I'm prepared to
take that chance. I know many are in hiding after their applications have
failed as returning to China is a doomed option. By staying here, there's some
hope for a miracle.
The Catholic Church has
been one of the strongest supporters of the right-of-abode seekers. The views
of Bishop Zen in particular have won him no friends in Government.
BISHOP ZEN ZE-KUIN: People
have a right to lessen the damage to themselves. So if they see that by staying
here or by hiding they are gaining nothing and they want to go back and live
peacefully, OK, they have a right to do that. But if somebody wants to keep
fighting, they have a right to do so. They are conscious that they are not
gaining anything. But still, it is an honourable thing and we support them
because they are fighting for their rights. I think it is something sacred to
fight for one's right, even though they know that he is losing the case, OK. We
are losing with them, huh? But we fight, we still fight.
Apart from the Church,
right-of-abode seekers do not have many supporters in Hong Kong. Albert Cheng
is the host of a popular morning radio show called 'Teacup in a Storm'. While
he personally thinks an injustice has been done to the right-of-abode seekers,
the vast majority of his callers disagree.
CALLER (Translation): They
can go back to China.
ALBERT CHENG, BROADCASTER:
How will they make a living? Tell me, how will they work and make a living? How
will they? Supposing the family were in Inner Mongolia, how will they make a
living and be united with their families?
CALLER: They can return
alone...
ALBERT CHENG: Bugger them,
right?
CALLER: NO one's stopping
them leaving.
ALBERT CHENG: Once they
think they are not obeying the law, number two is they think these people will
come to Hong Kong and become a burden to society, and they will drain the
resources from housing, medical, schools, everything, you know, and basically,
they just think they are coming here to steal their jobs.
The glory days when Hong
Kong was one of Asia's most prosperous and confident cities are gone. Since
1997, the economy has been in rapid decline. Unemployment, once virtually
non-existent, is pushing 8%. Suicide has emerged as a major social issue. A
climate of fear and insecurity prevails, a climate the Government is accused of
exploiting. It produced a survey saying that if right of abode were given, 1.67
million people would come to Hong Kong within 10 years, costing billions.
ROB BROOKE: One of the
funny things was that some people did an analysis of this and basically the
Government had everybody in education, on welfare, in public housing, and in
prison, all at the same time, to come up with the sorts of figures which they
came up with, even if there were 1.6 million people who were eligible, which
figures themselves were highly controversial. But if you want to sway public opinion
in Hong Kong, a very effective way of doing that is to talk about the hip
pocket and to say that this will sink Hong Kong and they actually used those
words - 'This will sink Hong Kong.'
ALBERT CHENG: I think our
government, in that sense, we must compliment them. They have done a great job
in dividing the people, in promoting the hatred among the people in Hong Kong
to the new immigrants, or the right-of-abode seekers in Hong Kong.
REPORTER: You think the
Government has...
ALBERT CHENG: They have done
a great job, but it's dirty.
MICHAEL WONG: I would not
say that. I don't see it that way. The fact remains that if we look at - again,
if you look at the facts, I think that would be the best approach forward. If
you look at the facts, then it is true that in terms of the knowledge level,
that if you compare the average mainland migrant with an average Hong Kong
people, you do see some discrepancy.
Shatin is a working-class
suburb in an area called the New Territories - a world away from the neon-lit streets
of central Hong Kong. This electrical appliances shop is owned by Mr Ho. He's
come a long way from the penniless young man who swam to Hong Kong from China
in 1978. The actions of the Government have not dampened his desire to have his
family together.
MR HO (Translation): I've
worked hard and lived in Hong Kong for some 30 years. Why can't I be united
with my family now for human rights reasons? I've questioned the Immigration
Department about that, but I haven't had a satisfactory answer.
Mr Ho's wife and two
children came to Hong Kong illegally 2.5 years ago. Mr Ho paid snakeheads to
smuggle them in by boat late one night.
MRS HO (Translation): I had
my son and daughter in my care. At the time I felt as if I was being rushed. I
had a heavy heart and felt very sad. I felt unwelcome everywhere. I wondered
where I should be running away to. What I saw was an endless sea... Huge and
angry waves. Sounds of waves, barking dogs, a sense of confusion... I'll never
forget that feeling as long as I live. I've never experienced anything like
that.
Mrs Ho and her children
don't qualify for right of abode. When they arrived, they were given temporary
permits to stay. After the final court ruling this year, the Immigration
Department stopped extending the temporary permits of most right-of-abode
seekers. The Ho's still have theirs, but now they only cover a seven-day
period. Every week, they must report to the immigration office in the city, to
see if they can stay another seven days. They live in a state of limbo.
MRS HO (Translation): Each
time I go there, I go with a heavy heart. Both my feet and my heart feel the
stress.
It's been hard for Mrs Ho
and her children since they came to Hong Kong. When they arrived, they were
told the children couldn't go to school. The Government says this would
encourage illegal immigration.
MRS HO (Translation): No
schooling for them. It's as if all my children's cherished ideals since
childhood have been prematurely destroyed. Their childhood dreams, their
aspirations. They loved going to school and won many prizes.
For the first year here,
they had no education at all. They now go to school courtesy of two sympathetic
principals, who are prepared to defy the Government to let them attend.
However, they are only sit-ins, meaning there'll be no official record of their
study.
BISHOP ZEN ZE-KUIN: Even if
you agree with the Government on the right-of-abode issue, still it is
unintelligible why those people who are here, even temporarily, with permission
to stay here temporarily, should be deprived of schooling. You know, there are
people - and their right of abode is not clear, so they have a case in the
court, but they have to stay here one year, two, three, four. Why should these
children not go to school?
After more than an hour of
travelling, they arrive at the immigration office. Every day now, people like
the Ho's are making this same trip, only to find their permits are not renewed.
MR HO (Translation): It's
as if we're at a crossroad. We face deportation and rejection at any time. That
kind of feeling is hard to bear.
They emerge only slightly
relieved. They've had their permits extended for another week.
MRS HO (Translation): Time
flies. Before I know it a week's gone. That's another source of stress. We'll
have to do it all again next Tuesday.
Police are moving to end
the protests that have been a hallmark of the last five years. Now the court
cases are finished, the Government is concentrating on removing all those who
are no longer qualify for right of abode. While some people are still
resisting, the Security Bureau says more and more are volunteering to leave.
MICHAEL WONG: I think as
and when they appreciate the determination with which the Government is
handling the issue, as and when they come to accept the legal reality, I think
most of them will then come to the conclusion that really, going back to the
mainland is in their own best interest, then more and more people will go. This
is something we are witnessing right at this moment as we speak.
Many right-of-abode seekers
have been worn down by the struggle. At this recent protest outside Immigration
Tower, a group of right-of-abode seekers is staging a last stand. Eight people
who've been living illegally in Hong Kong are showing their faces in an act of
defiance. They announce their presence to an immigration official who's come
down from the building.
PROTESTER (Translation): We
don't mind letting you know that eight of us here today have overstayed. You
can take whatever further action you like, but we want to meet with your senior
officer to discuss the right-of-abode issue.
IMMIGRATION OFFICIAL
(Translation): I'll seek instructions on your proposal.
These people are desperate.
The Government tells failed right-of-abode seekers to go back to the mainland
and join the queue for a one-way permit, but the reality is that most are not
even eligible to join that very long and deeply flawed queue. These protesters
want to discuss their situation with the immigration commissioner. It soon
becomes clear what the official's priority is.
IMMIGRATION OFFICIAL
(Translation): Step forward, any applicants for residency who voluntarily wish
to be repatriated today. We will take you to the office to complete the
procedures.
PROTESTER (Translation):
We're not volunteering to return. The Government has forced us. You can do what
you want to do.
A large police presence
quickly builds up. While public demonstrations are allowed in Hong Kong,
authorities like them to be controlled. Past experience has also made them
nervous. Two years ago, a protest by a small group of right-of-abode seekers at
this same building turned to tragedy. One of the protesters doused himself in
fuel in a suicide attempt. The fire spread, and as well as the protester dying,
an immigration officer was also killed. Many others survived horrific injuries.
PROTESTER (Translation):
Members of the press, we've been kept waiting, we've run out of patience. We
intend to go in that direction.
Despite the defiance, some
people here today have already made the decision to go back.
PROTESTER (Translation):
It's been more than two years. I've wasted a lot of time and have lost my
youth. I have lost everything, all I've achieved in China. I have to go back, I
can't go out or get a job here. My parents are very old. My mother has a heart
condition. I'm afraid that if immigration comes to arrest me, something might
happen to her. I may as well go back.
The whole group eventually
agrees to give themselves up. Family and friends are farewelled.
PROTESTER (Translation): I
will be back. I will be back. Sorry, Granny. It's time to go.
PROTESTERS CHANT: Family
reunion! Never give up! Give me back my justice! Give me back my right of
abode! Reinterpretation of Basic Law, shameful! Forced repatriation,
unreasonable! Family reunion! Never give up! Give me back my justice!
The group begin the walk
into Immigration Tower, where they'll be processed for repatriation. Around the
back of the Immigration Tower, family and friends wait to catch one more
glimpse of them on the bus that is taking them back to China.
MICHAEL WONG: We appreciate
the difficulties that some families may face, but if you are talking about huge
sadness, then we do believe that many of those stories are exaggerated. The
fact remains that travelling between Hong Kong and the mainland has become much
easier now, and frequent visas are now possible and will become easier as time
goes by.
It's a little over two
months since that morning when the Chengs' daughter
Sai Sui was taken by Immigration. Travelling to mainland China is the only
option left if they want to see her. But it's not an easy option. Mrs Cheng
will be making the trip tomorrow without her husband.
MR CHENG (Translation): I
can't get leave. I did talk to the contractor. The trip takes at least two
days. He wouldn't give me leave. I'm afraid that if I were to force the issue,
he might fire me. Naturally, I'd like to go back to see my daughter, but what
can I do if he won't give me leave?
Mrs Cheng's daughter is
living in a small village in southern China. It's normally a six-hour bus ride
from Hong Kong. Today we're going by car. While she's looking forward to seeing
Sai Sui, Mrs Cheng is worried about her daughter's health.
MRS CHENG (Translation):
She was never unwell until she returned to China. She caught a fever there and
got sick.
Sai Sui is living with her
elderly grandmother, who raised her in the village while her family were in
Hong Kong. This will be only the second time Mrs Cheng has seen Sai Sui since
she was deported.
MRS CHENG (Translation):
It's very painful and my heart aches. I can't describe how hurt I am. It's so
hurtful.
GRANDMOTHER (Translation):
When she returned here, my grand-daughter cried out for her mother, father and
brother. I assure you there were floods of tears. She doesn't eat at all. She
has no appetite at all. I'm almost 80. How can I take care of her? Whenever I
think of this, I shed tears. It's so sad. We're poor, otherwise I'd like
someone to take care of me. I'm blind. Since I can't see, I can't recognise
other people. I can't see anything with my eyes. I have spurs on my spine and I can hardly walk. Furthermore, I have stomach
problems. My legs and knees hurt. I can't get up when I'm sitting. Staying in
this rural area is a waste. What can my grand-daughter achieve here? It's
simply ruining her life.
Sai Sui spent most of her
life growing up in this house, away from her parents and brother. When she
finally joined them in Hong Kong four years ago, she hoped it would be for
good. Now she's finding it difficult to readjust to life in the village.
SAI SUI CHENG
(Translation): Life is hard. It's a long way to the market. This place isn't
nice. There are many bad people about. Security is also a problem. This place
is out of the way. I have to walk to the markets to
buy food.
Sai Sui says she
desperately wants to be with her parents and brother.
SAI SUI CHENG
(Translation): It's hurtful. I've never felt such pain before. I wish I didn't
have to leave them. There's definitely no future in a
place like this. What future is there here? There can be no future here. I
don't know where to go to find work. I don't...I don't want to stay here. I
want to go and live with my family in Hong Kong.
Meanwhile, back in Hong
Kong, disquiet still exists in some circles about the events of the last five
years. There's a view that this whole saga was only partly to do with the
right-of-abode seekers themselves. At its heart was a power struggle between
the Hong Kong judiciary and Beijing. The judgment handed down by the Court of
Final Appeal back in January 1999 did more than just grant right of abode to
the families. In its wording, it essentially asserted the independence of Hong
Kong's judiciary from Beijing. This had never been done before.
MARGARET NG: This was
considered a kind of insubordination and therefore these unruly people must be
brought to their knees in submission.
Margaret Ng believes the
pressure to seek reinterpretation of that judgment actually
came from Beijing.
MARGARET NG: So if we go to the question of what this has got to do with
Beijing, it has started with Beijing, it was insisted on by Beijing, and it was
ultimately given by Beijing, so I will take some convincing to believe that
this is entirely a matter for us.
This all throws into doubt
the claim of Hong Kong and China existing as 'One Country - Two Systems'.
MARGARET NG: The question
is how long these two systems will last and how well can we run a separate
system if, at the top - that is, at the Chief Executive - they will always be
mindful, looking over their shoulders, as to whether something would offend
Beijing.
Having exhausted all legal
avenues, there's little hope left for the families involved. Mr Wong has not
seen his daughter since she was snatched in a late-night raid. Since that night,
his health has deteriorated. He's now in hospital. Sui is still leading her
life of subterfuge, changing houses frequently and avoiding authorities. When
recently reporting to the Immigration Centre, Mrs Ho and her children were
informed their time was up. They've been told to prepare for deportation.
During her stay in China, Mrs Cheng was told by security officials that her
daughter has now been blacklisted. Sai Sui will not get any kind of permit to
visit Hong Kong for at least two years.
BISHOP
ZEN ZE-KUIN: Now they talk about the prosperity of Hong Kong, et cetera, but
those people, I mean the parents of these children, they are the people who
made the prosperity of Hong Kong. I don't think the prosperity of this city was
built only on the capitals of the few rich people. I think the prosperity came
from the hard work of the people in general, and so why should they not have
their children come here? I think it's very unfair.