REPORTER: Nick Lazaredes
(AIR FORCE PERSONNEL PRESENT CHILDREN WITH GIFTS)
Far from home, Australian Air Force personnel are quizzed by children from a small village in the heart of Central Asia. They're making a goodwill visit to a school just down the road from their air base near the city of Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan. The Australians know very little about the country in which they've suddenly found themselves, a country beset by economic hardship and its own political turmoil. Bearing gifts, they're trying to make things a little brighter, for these kids at least.
WING COMMANDER TRENT, AUSTRALIAN AIR FORCE:
The general population, I think, show a lot of support to the coalition here. Obviously, it's been a broad and big decision by Kyrgyzstan to accept the large number of forces that have come here to fight the war against terrorism.
Manas airport was once one of the loneliest airports in the former Soviet Union, serving Kyrgyzstan's capital, Bishkek. It used to receive just a couple of flights a day. Now, it's heaving with Western military hardware. At the edge of the airport, relics of Kyrgyzstan's air fleet have been pushed on to the grass to make space for coalition jets. To fly to Afghanistan from here takes less than an hour. This air base is a vital asset in the American-led war on terrorism. But it's also a welcome bonus for cash-strapped Kyrgyzstan.
WING COMMANDER TRENT:
My understanding is that the money the base has injected into the local economy is moving up to around about the US$35 million mark, which I'm told is around 3% of the GDP of Kyrgyzstan, so the input is significant.
(MILITARY PARADE)
This man is the main beneficiary of the US and Australian presence, Askar Akayev, Kyrgyzstan's president for the past 12 years. America's war on terror has come at just the right time for Akayev. He's using his new alliance with the world's only superpower to prop up his deeply unpopular regime.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV, OPPOSITION MP (Translation):
When high military officials from the US come to visit, like General Tommy Franks, I met him and asked him a question, "Did you give President Akayev cart blanche to trample on democracy?" He said, "No. Our principles remain unshakable." But that's just words.
According to Akayev's detractors, the President and his family have squandered Kyrgyzstan's economic windfall for their personal gain.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
Yes, his immediate family, especially his son-in-law, his daughter's husband ... they control virtually all the business activity in Kyrgyzstan. Our sugar industry is under their control, our oil industry is completely theirs, as well as our alcohol industry. So all the profitable enterprises in the country are controlled by the president's family.
President Akayev now has important new friends in Washington, but many are angered by America's double standards.
VERA KULOV, DISSIDENT:
America is the country who proclaimed democracy and who stands for democracy in all over the world and, now here, they support Akayev, who is a real dictator, who tortures thousands of his people.
SOVIET NEWSREEL (Translation):
United around our Communist Party, workers of Soviet Kyrgyzstan together with all our nation voted for the Leninist policy of our party.
For much of the 20th century, Kyrgyzstan was hidden from the world. Deep within the Soviet Union, it was dominated by its communist masters.
NEWSREEL (Translation):
Late at night, we received the result of a secret ballot that was held in two stages.
In 1990, a presidential election administered from Moscow propelled an obscure candidate into Kyrgyzstan's top job.
NEWSREEL (Translation):
To the complete surprise of most party officials and others who frequent the corridors of power, Askar Akayev became the first president of the Kyrgyz SSR. He is a new figure in the political landscape, a scientist, a physicist.
As head of the Kyrgyz Academy of Science, Akayev was an unusual candidate. His election surprised many, except for the communist powerbrokers who put him there.
ARCHIVE FOOTAGE (Translation):
You know, all the Communists voted for him. Because, in the end, democracy must triumph.
In the tumultuous year that followed his election, the Soviet Union collapsed and Akayev found himself leader of a new, independent republic. Last month, the president staged an extravaganza to celebrate 11 years of independence. He was quick to lay claim to some remarkable achievements.
PRESIDENT ASKAR AKAYEV (AT INDEPENDENCE DAY CELEBRATIONS) (Translation):
We've laid the foundation for a new economic system. We have created the base for the development of democracy in our country.
In fact, little has changed in the last 11 years. Akayev's Kyrgyzstan remains bitterly poor and far from democratic. This celebration is little more than an attempt to mask the failure of his leadership and his regime.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO, ELECTION EXPERT:
What we were looking at is a decade of, yes, of decline in Kyrgyzstan. Certainly, industry declined dramatically and is still on the decline. The foreign debt of the country is continuing to rise. The poverty levels are continuing to rise and, of course, there are endemic health problems in the country as well.
Chedomir Flego is running a democracy summer camp for Kyrgyz teenagers. In 10 years, he's worked in many of the world's hot spots on projects aimed at stabilising fragile, new democracies.
YOUNG MAN:
Why are Americans - aren't able to come to help us?
When Chedomir first arrived in Kyrgyzstan, he was appalled by its entrenched political corruption.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
I arrived in March 2000 at the time of the parliamentary elections and, at that time, there were many, many problems, including street protests and demonstrations and some force being used by the militia. Kyrgyzstan failed to meet international standards of holding elections so, what we saw was the traditional customs and the traditional attitudes of manipulating elections were, in fact, the dominating features of those elections.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
The president is the sole master here. He has concentrated all the power in his own hands. All the authority lies with him. I think this is wrong. Absolutely wrong.
Adahan Madumarov is a member of Kyrgyzstan's national parliament and one of the only opposition politicians who hasn't yet been muzzled by President Akayev. But he knows the risks of speaking out.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
The people of Kyrgyzstan are afraid to speak the truth. Your father or son-in-law has to work somewhere. So do your mother or wife. And they'd be in trouble. This is Akayev democracy. When our group of MPs tries to set up a public meeting and the local authorities and the government do their best to prevent it. They frighten the people away, so they can't meet us. That's how they violate the rights of MPs. As for the way they treat ordinary citizens... if you have money, you're OK. If you pay, you're right. If you don't have it, you're wrong.
Just across the road is the Kyrgyz National Security Service. Under Soviet rule, it was the local headquarters of the KGB. Downstairs in the basement is a torture room, with an electric chair and several high-security cells. This is where President Akayev keeps his political prisoners. Akayev's highest-profile political prisoner is Feliks Kulov. Kulov was once one of Akayev's most trusted advisers. A KGB general, Feliks Kulov was, for a time, the minister of national security and also served as the mayor of Bishkek. But, in 1999, he suddenly cut his ties with the president, declaring Akayev's administration corrupt and undemocratic. Kulov then launched his own bid for the presidency. Within months, Kulov was thrown into prison and charged with corruption.
DIAS KULOV, DISSIDENT:
My brother Feliks is a leader by his nature. I think that President Akayev is jealous about it and he thinks, or he thought that, sooner or later, my brother Feliks would take his place.
After his sentence was read out, Feliks Kulov spoke to his friends and supporters.
FELIKS KULOV:
I ask all of you to calm down, please. What I wanted to say is, for the first time in our history since the year 1937, a court ruling was issued - written and typed out - three hours before the judgment had been made. It's unheard of! All 80 pages of it. They broke the basic rules of legal proceedings. This sentence is illegal and invalid.
Feliks Kulov's supporters could hardly believe their eyes when their hero, the man they thought might one day be Kyrgyzstan's new president, was led away to his high-security cell.
Dias Kulov and his wife Vera don't venture away from their country home very often these days. Since Feliks's imprisonment, they've been living in fear. Some members of the Kulov family, including Feliks's wife and daughter, live in exile in the United States. But Dias and Vera defiantly chose to stay and stand up to President Akayev.
VERA KULOV:
He is a man who wants to enrich only his family, who lives only for his own, for his own sake and we are ashamed of Akayev. We hate his smile, his cynical smile. I think he's evil and such a man couldn't be our president
(SOVIET-ERA FUN PARK)
They might well be cheap thrills and these rides are very old but, for most Kyrgyz people, this Soviet-era fun park is as good as it gets.
In contrast, Kyrgyzstan's wealthy elite hang out at the top end of town. Here, it's easy to spot Akayev's personal touch. His son controls this bank, while Akayev himself supervises the State Gold Mining Company. But perhaps the most visible is his wife, Mairam Akayeva, who runs a string of salons selling imported Italian fashion, as well as a few expensive nightclubs. If President Akayev is disliked, then Mairam Akayeva is despised. Often the subject of rumour and street gossip, the president's wife is regarded by many as a manipulative woman, who wields control over her husband and, therefore, Kyrgyzstan as well. It's no secret that she does, in fact, oversee many of Kyrgyzstan's top political appointments. High-ranking officials, including the imprisoned general, Feliks Kulov, complained bitterly about Madam Akayeva's interference.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV, OPPOSITION MP (Translation):
I can give you the facts. For all practical purposes, the real president today is Mairam Akayeva. It's she, not Askar Akayev, who makes the decisions.
Azimbek Bekhnazarov is a member of parliament and a vocal opponent of the president. He's highly critical of the excessive wealth and control wielded by Akayev's family.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
He's been doing nothing for 12 years. Day after day, living standards are decreasing, plummeting. Every day. That's the economics side. Our border issues are not even considered.
President Akayev's high-handedness and dictatorial style has recently reached staggering new heights. Treating Kyrgyzstan like his own personal fiefdom, Akayev is giving away large swathes of Kyrgyz territory to neighbouring countries. It started with a few hectares Akayev handed to Kazakhstan. Now, he's about to cede thousands of square kilometres to neighbouring China. In Kyrgyzstan's Tien Shan Mountains, near the Chinese border, water thunders during the summer thaw. Mountains and water mean hydroelectricity and Kyrgyzstan has plenty of both. But the president's willingness to give some of this precious mountain territory to China has touched a deep nerve.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
Khan-Tengri, Sary-Djaz, Uzengi-Kush and Bedel. These four areas went to China. The people weren't told and neither were the MPs. This issue should have been decided by parliament. When the matter was raised, we found out that they'd breached the constitution by secretly giving all this land, about 140,000 square kilometres in total, away to China.
Bekhnazarov was so incensed about the president's secret land deal with China, that he called for Akayev's immediate resignation and impeachment. The criticism was all too much for the Kyrgyz president and Bekhnazarov was thrown into prison.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
They kept me there...I'd say, in secret. They isolated me from the world. But they kept coming, people kept visiting me, trying to get me to agree to stop criticising Akayev, to stop raising the problem of our borders.
The Ferghana Valley in the south of the country is Kyrgyzstan's food basket, but this may be the next chunk of land to be handed to the neighbours. This lush valley is virtually surrounded by the Uzbek border and Uzbekistan claims it as its own. There's also a large Uzbek population here and ethnic tensions simmer beneath the surface. In violation of Kyrgyzstan's sovereignty, Uzbek border guards have recently started patrolling the Ferghana Valley. Many are alarmed that Akayev has shown a willingness to discuss the land claims with Uzbekistan's President Karimov.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
Karimov, the president of Uzbekistan, doesn't respect our president. So he just draws his borders without even consulting us. This year, I was in that very area and it's still crawling with Uzbek border patrols. They stop Kyrgyz cars, they stop our citizens. They do whatever they like. Nobody cares about what they do. Nobody cares to defend the common people.
FILIP NEUBAL, INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP:
When you're, you know, surrounded by Uzbekistan, China and Kazakhstan, I mean, who are you to say anything on a regional arena in the voice of, you know, 4 million people who have only water and gold to sell?
Filip Neubel works for the International Crisis Group in Kyrgyzstan's southern capital of Osh, an ancient Silk Road city. He says that Kyrgyzstan's neighbours have long held designs on Kyrgyz territory, especially here in the south.
FILIP NEUBEL:
Because of border issues, Akayev becomes completely isolated and then, looking around, maybe he believes he has no other choice but to become this sort of like half dictator, half, you know, democratic face when speaking to the West. And I think the whole country is completely divided, because also a lot of people do not actually see the benefits of democracy.
Earlier this year, public anger at the Akayev's jailing of his opponents spilled on to the streets. In jail, Azimbek Bekhnazarov came under increasing pressure to recant.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
They also wanted me to hold a press conference and to say, "Yes, I was wrong." I refused. I said I'd never do that. "I still possess a mind of my own." As for Akayev, he's forgotten the people. He thinks only of himself.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
The court case against Bekhnazarov, it seems to have incited the supporters of Bekhnazarov, to the point where they started taking to the streets and, eventually, some of these street protests gathered force and momentum and, on one of those occasions, in fact on March 17 of this year, a large group of these, of the supporters of Bekhnazarov marching to Kerben were stopped from entering the town.
On a lonely road in southern Kyrgyzstan, a police cameraman recorded the unfolding drama.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
This video had shown quite a long dialogue between the protesters and the militia and, eventually, one of the authorities, one of the figures of the authorities, gave what appeared to be an audible order to advance to the military. (RIOT AND SHOOTINGS)
While those responsible for the bloodshed were being treated for minor wounds, the local morgue was receiving its first victims. Five people were shot dead by police, while a sixth was beaten to death shortly after the demonstration. Initially, the government blamed the protesters, claiming that they were dangerous and unruly. But the evidence, including this stolen copy of the police video, was overwhelming.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
My understanding was that many copies of that video had been made and distributed around at least around Bishkek if not the country, and that video then caused a further stir and problem for the government, because, then, it was obvious to everybody that there was evidence available which contradicted the official position
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
3,200 soldiers were restationed to Kerben. That's not a joke. It's a proper army. Complete with armoured cars, weaponry... Therefore, the people rightly think that the main blame lies with Akayev
The people were so angry, they blocked the main road from north to south, from Bishkek to Osh. Fearing the disruption would grow, Akayev released Bekhnazarov from prison and eventually had several of the policemen involved in the shooting charged with manslaughter. While the deaths at Aksy demonstrated to the world the price of public dissent in Kyrgyzstan, the human suffering caused by Akayev's regime has been building for years. Even ordinary people who have opposed the president have soon discovered that Akayev's revenge is swift and often includes their relatives as well.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST (Translation):
My brother used to work in a taxation office in Chulpan-ata. He was told, "Your sister is in the opposition so you must resign." So all my relatives lost their jobs.
Tolekan Ismailova is one of Kyrgyzstan's best-known human rights activists, campaigning against the abuses of Akayev's government. In response, the government ran a smear campaign, accusing her of corruption.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA (Translation):
I lost my mother because she kept reading the papers which were always at me. Perhaps, it's my personal opinion, of course, but she had hypertension and she couldn't bear all that terrible pressure that came from the government newspapers. I lost my mum.
After her mother's death, Tolekan continued to take the government to task. She soon received another warning.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA (Translation):
I was leaving the house, my husband was behind me. And so, early in the morning, as I stepped into the street, a young man gave me a powerful blow. I lost consciousness. It went right across here.
Meanwhile, back at Bishkek's Manas airport, the Akayev personal fortune is growing by the hour. The exclusive refuelling contract at the airport is owned by President Akayev's son-in-law. And, with the US and Australia pouring millions into this place and aircraft taking off every other minute, the Akayevs are making a killing.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
It's a family business once again. Only the president's son-in-law can supply fuel. It's business. Just business.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA (Translation):
When the American troops and other representatives of democratic countries arrived at Manas airport, we thought our human rights situation would improve. Without that, the fight against terrorism is too vulnerable. But all the fuel that's used to service that airport... who's behind it? Once again, Akayev's son-in-law.
Kyrgyzstan's political opposition is now asking whether the US can really be trusted.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
Americans have no permanent allies, only permanent interests. Where interests are involved, principles can be set aside. The people of Kyrgyzstan now understand that quite well.
BARD SINGING AT HORSE COMPETITION:
"I will tell you the story of the Kyrgyz people. In the days long gone, they rode like the wind. Warriors of Kyrgyz, tall and brave raced their horses and fought for a great victory..
At the Bishkek hippodrome, teams of horsemen from all over Central Asia are tussling violently over a goat carcass. As Akayev watches on, just below stands one of his many Russian bodyguards. The briefcase he holds turns into an automatic rifle at the press of a button. More than a decade into his rule, public anger has reached new heights and the president is starting to feel the pinch. Many believe that Akayev knows himself that his days at the top are numbered.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation): T
he sooner he quits, the better it will be for him, for the state, for the people. The soon he resigns, the more authority he'll retain. The people can still forgive him. We can't allow him to drive the country to the point where the people rise against him. We can't allow that to happen. We can't.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA:
Which way will Kyrgyzstan go? That's the main question. Either it will revert back to being an empire's underbelly, serving its interests and growing ever more corrupted, or it will become a normal, independent country with the fantastic people that we have now. A country built on the principles of democracy, with good, answerable government.
(AIR FORCE PERSONNEL PRESENT CHILDREN WITH GIFTS)
Far from home, Australian Air Force personnel are quizzed by children from a small village in the heart of Central Asia. They're making a goodwill visit to a school just down the road from their air base near the city of Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan. The Australians know very little about the country in which they've suddenly found themselves, a country beset by economic hardship and its own political turmoil. Bearing gifts, they're trying to make things a little brighter, for these kids at least.
WING COMMANDER TRENT, AUSTRALIAN AIR FORCE:
The general population, I think, show a lot of support to the coalition here. Obviously, it's been a broad and big decision by Kyrgyzstan to accept the large number of forces that have come here to fight the war against terrorism.
Manas airport was once one of the loneliest airports in the former Soviet Union, serving Kyrgyzstan's capital, Bishkek. It used to receive just a couple of flights a day. Now, it's heaving with Western military hardware. At the edge of the airport, relics of Kyrgyzstan's air fleet have been pushed on to the grass to make space for coalition jets. To fly to Afghanistan from here takes less than an hour. This air base is a vital asset in the American-led war on terrorism. But it's also a welcome bonus for cash-strapped Kyrgyzstan.
WING COMMANDER TRENT:
My understanding is that the money the base has injected into the local economy is moving up to around about the US$35 million mark, which I'm told is around 3% of the GDP of Kyrgyzstan, so the input is significant.
(MILITARY PARADE)
This man is the main beneficiary of the US and Australian presence, Askar Akayev, Kyrgyzstan's president for the past 12 years. America's war on terror has come at just the right time for Akayev. He's using his new alliance with the world's only superpower to prop up his deeply unpopular regime.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV, OPPOSITION MP (Translation):
When high military officials from the US come to visit, like General Tommy Franks, I met him and asked him a question, "Did you give President Akayev cart blanche to trample on democracy?" He said, "No. Our principles remain unshakable." But that's just words.
According to Akayev's detractors, the President and his family have squandered Kyrgyzstan's economic windfall for their personal gain.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
Yes, his immediate family, especially his son-in-law, his daughter's husband ... they control virtually all the business activity in Kyrgyzstan. Our sugar industry is under their control, our oil industry is completely theirs, as well as our alcohol industry. So all the profitable enterprises in the country are controlled by the president's family.
President Akayev now has important new friends in Washington, but many are angered by America's double standards.
VERA KULOV, DISSIDENT:
America is the country who proclaimed democracy and who stands for democracy in all over the world and, now here, they support Akayev, who is a real dictator, who tortures thousands of his people.
SOVIET NEWSREEL (Translation):
United around our Communist Party, workers of Soviet Kyrgyzstan together with all our nation voted for the Leninist policy of our party.
For much of the 20th century, Kyrgyzstan was hidden from the world. Deep within the Soviet Union, it was dominated by its communist masters.
NEWSREEL (Translation):
Late at night, we received the result of a secret ballot that was held in two stages.
In 1990, a presidential election administered from Moscow propelled an obscure candidate into Kyrgyzstan's top job.
NEWSREEL (Translation):
To the complete surprise of most party officials and others who frequent the corridors of power, Askar Akayev became the first president of the Kyrgyz SSR. He is a new figure in the political landscape, a scientist, a physicist.
As head of the Kyrgyz Academy of Science, Akayev was an unusual candidate. His election surprised many, except for the communist powerbrokers who put him there.
ARCHIVE FOOTAGE (Translation):
You know, all the Communists voted for him. Because, in the end, democracy must triumph.
In the tumultuous year that followed his election, the Soviet Union collapsed and Akayev found himself leader of a new, independent republic. Last month, the president staged an extravaganza to celebrate 11 years of independence. He was quick to lay claim to some remarkable achievements.
PRESIDENT ASKAR AKAYEV (AT INDEPENDENCE DAY CELEBRATIONS) (Translation):
We've laid the foundation for a new economic system. We have created the base for the development of democracy in our country.
In fact, little has changed in the last 11 years. Akayev's Kyrgyzstan remains bitterly poor and far from democratic. This celebration is little more than an attempt to mask the failure of his leadership and his regime.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO, ELECTION EXPERT:
What we were looking at is a decade of, yes, of decline in Kyrgyzstan. Certainly, industry declined dramatically and is still on the decline. The foreign debt of the country is continuing to rise. The poverty levels are continuing to rise and, of course, there are endemic health problems in the country as well.
Chedomir Flego is running a democracy summer camp for Kyrgyz teenagers. In 10 years, he's worked in many of the world's hot spots on projects aimed at stabilising fragile, new democracies.
YOUNG MAN:
Why are Americans - aren't able to come to help us?
When Chedomir first arrived in Kyrgyzstan, he was appalled by its entrenched political corruption.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
I arrived in March 2000 at the time of the parliamentary elections and, at that time, there were many, many problems, including street protests and demonstrations and some force being used by the militia. Kyrgyzstan failed to meet international standards of holding elections so, what we saw was the traditional customs and the traditional attitudes of manipulating elections were, in fact, the dominating features of those elections.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
The president is the sole master here. He has concentrated all the power in his own hands. All the authority lies with him. I think this is wrong. Absolutely wrong.
Adahan Madumarov is a member of Kyrgyzstan's national parliament and one of the only opposition politicians who hasn't yet been muzzled by President Akayev. But he knows the risks of speaking out.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
The people of Kyrgyzstan are afraid to speak the truth. Your father or son-in-law has to work somewhere. So do your mother or wife. And they'd be in trouble. This is Akayev democracy. When our group of MPs tries to set up a public meeting and the local authorities and the government do their best to prevent it. They frighten the people away, so they can't meet us. That's how they violate the rights of MPs. As for the way they treat ordinary citizens... if you have money, you're OK. If you pay, you're right. If you don't have it, you're wrong.
Just across the road is the Kyrgyz National Security Service. Under Soviet rule, it was the local headquarters of the KGB. Downstairs in the basement is a torture room, with an electric chair and several high-security cells. This is where President Akayev keeps his political prisoners. Akayev's highest-profile political prisoner is Feliks Kulov. Kulov was once one of Akayev's most trusted advisers. A KGB general, Feliks Kulov was, for a time, the minister of national security and also served as the mayor of Bishkek. But, in 1999, he suddenly cut his ties with the president, declaring Akayev's administration corrupt and undemocratic. Kulov then launched his own bid for the presidency. Within months, Kulov was thrown into prison and charged with corruption.
DIAS KULOV, DISSIDENT:
My brother Feliks is a leader by his nature. I think that President Akayev is jealous about it and he thinks, or he thought that, sooner or later, my brother Feliks would take his place.
After his sentence was read out, Feliks Kulov spoke to his friends and supporters.
FELIKS KULOV:
I ask all of you to calm down, please. What I wanted to say is, for the first time in our history since the year 1937, a court ruling was issued - written and typed out - three hours before the judgment had been made. It's unheard of! All 80 pages of it. They broke the basic rules of legal proceedings. This sentence is illegal and invalid.
Feliks Kulov's supporters could hardly believe their eyes when their hero, the man they thought might one day be Kyrgyzstan's new president, was led away to his high-security cell.
Dias Kulov and his wife Vera don't venture away from their country home very often these days. Since Feliks's imprisonment, they've been living in fear. Some members of the Kulov family, including Feliks's wife and daughter, live in exile in the United States. But Dias and Vera defiantly chose to stay and stand up to President Akayev.
VERA KULOV:
He is a man who wants to enrich only his family, who lives only for his own, for his own sake and we are ashamed of Akayev. We hate his smile, his cynical smile. I think he's evil and such a man couldn't be our president
(SOVIET-ERA FUN PARK)
They might well be cheap thrills and these rides are very old but, for most Kyrgyz people, this Soviet-era fun park is as good as it gets.
In contrast, Kyrgyzstan's wealthy elite hang out at the top end of town. Here, it's easy to spot Akayev's personal touch. His son controls this bank, while Akayev himself supervises the State Gold Mining Company. But perhaps the most visible is his wife, Mairam Akayeva, who runs a string of salons selling imported Italian fashion, as well as a few expensive nightclubs. If President Akayev is disliked, then Mairam Akayeva is despised. Often the subject of rumour and street gossip, the president's wife is regarded by many as a manipulative woman, who wields control over her husband and, therefore, Kyrgyzstan as well. It's no secret that she does, in fact, oversee many of Kyrgyzstan's top political appointments. High-ranking officials, including the imprisoned general, Feliks Kulov, complained bitterly about Madam Akayeva's interference.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV, OPPOSITION MP (Translation):
I can give you the facts. For all practical purposes, the real president today is Mairam Akayeva. It's she, not Askar Akayev, who makes the decisions.
Azimbek Bekhnazarov is a member of parliament and a vocal opponent of the president. He's highly critical of the excessive wealth and control wielded by Akayev's family.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
He's been doing nothing for 12 years. Day after day, living standards are decreasing, plummeting. Every day. That's the economics side. Our border issues are not even considered.
President Akayev's high-handedness and dictatorial style has recently reached staggering new heights. Treating Kyrgyzstan like his own personal fiefdom, Akayev is giving away large swathes of Kyrgyz territory to neighbouring countries. It started with a few hectares Akayev handed to Kazakhstan. Now, he's about to cede thousands of square kilometres to neighbouring China. In Kyrgyzstan's Tien Shan Mountains, near the Chinese border, water thunders during the summer thaw. Mountains and water mean hydroelectricity and Kyrgyzstan has plenty of both. But the president's willingness to give some of this precious mountain territory to China has touched a deep nerve.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
Khan-Tengri, Sary-Djaz, Uzengi-Kush and Bedel. These four areas went to China. The people weren't told and neither were the MPs. This issue should have been decided by parliament. When the matter was raised, we found out that they'd breached the constitution by secretly giving all this land, about 140,000 square kilometres in total, away to China.
Bekhnazarov was so incensed about the president's secret land deal with China, that he called for Akayev's immediate resignation and impeachment. The criticism was all too much for the Kyrgyz president and Bekhnazarov was thrown into prison.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
They kept me there...I'd say, in secret. They isolated me from the world. But they kept coming, people kept visiting me, trying to get me to agree to stop criticising Akayev, to stop raising the problem of our borders.
The Ferghana Valley in the south of the country is Kyrgyzstan's food basket, but this may be the next chunk of land to be handed to the neighbours. This lush valley is virtually surrounded by the Uzbek border and Uzbekistan claims it as its own. There's also a large Uzbek population here and ethnic tensions simmer beneath the surface. In violation of Kyrgyzstan's sovereignty, Uzbek border guards have recently started patrolling the Ferghana Valley. Many are alarmed that Akayev has shown a willingness to discuss the land claims with Uzbekistan's President Karimov.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
Karimov, the president of Uzbekistan, doesn't respect our president. So he just draws his borders without even consulting us. This year, I was in that very area and it's still crawling with Uzbek border patrols. They stop Kyrgyz cars, they stop our citizens. They do whatever they like. Nobody cares about what they do. Nobody cares to defend the common people.
FILIP NEUBAL, INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP:
When you're, you know, surrounded by Uzbekistan, China and Kazakhstan, I mean, who are you to say anything on a regional arena in the voice of, you know, 4 million people who have only water and gold to sell?
Filip Neubel works for the International Crisis Group in Kyrgyzstan's southern capital of Osh, an ancient Silk Road city. He says that Kyrgyzstan's neighbours have long held designs on Kyrgyz territory, especially here in the south.
FILIP NEUBEL:
Because of border issues, Akayev becomes completely isolated and then, looking around, maybe he believes he has no other choice but to become this sort of like half dictator, half, you know, democratic face when speaking to the West. And I think the whole country is completely divided, because also a lot of people do not actually see the benefits of democracy.
Earlier this year, public anger at the Akayev's jailing of his opponents spilled on to the streets. In jail, Azimbek Bekhnazarov came under increasing pressure to recant.
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
They also wanted me to hold a press conference and to say, "Yes, I was wrong." I refused. I said I'd never do that. "I still possess a mind of my own." As for Akayev, he's forgotten the people. He thinks only of himself.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
The court case against Bekhnazarov, it seems to have incited the supporters of Bekhnazarov, to the point where they started taking to the streets and, eventually, some of these street protests gathered force and momentum and, on one of those occasions, in fact on March 17 of this year, a large group of these, of the supporters of Bekhnazarov marching to Kerben were stopped from entering the town.
On a lonely road in southern Kyrgyzstan, a police cameraman recorded the unfolding drama.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
This video had shown quite a long dialogue between the protesters and the militia and, eventually, one of the authorities, one of the figures of the authorities, gave what appeared to be an audible order to advance to the military. (RIOT AND SHOOTINGS)
While those responsible for the bloodshed were being treated for minor wounds, the local morgue was receiving its first victims. Five people were shot dead by police, while a sixth was beaten to death shortly after the demonstration. Initially, the government blamed the protesters, claiming that they were dangerous and unruly. But the evidence, including this stolen copy of the police video, was overwhelming.
CHEDOMIR FLEGO:
My understanding was that many copies of that video had been made and distributed around at least around Bishkek if not the country, and that video then caused a further stir and problem for the government, because, then, it was obvious to everybody that there was evidence available which contradicted the official position
AZIM BEKHNAZAROV (Translation):
3,200 soldiers were restationed to Kerben. That's not a joke. It's a proper army. Complete with armoured cars, weaponry... Therefore, the people rightly think that the main blame lies with Akayev
The people were so angry, they blocked the main road from north to south, from Bishkek to Osh. Fearing the disruption would grow, Akayev released Bekhnazarov from prison and eventually had several of the policemen involved in the shooting charged with manslaughter. While the deaths at Aksy demonstrated to the world the price of public dissent in Kyrgyzstan, the human suffering caused by Akayev's regime has been building for years. Even ordinary people who have opposed the president have soon discovered that Akayev's revenge is swift and often includes their relatives as well.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST (Translation):
My brother used to work in a taxation office in Chulpan-ata. He was told, "Your sister is in the opposition so you must resign." So all my relatives lost their jobs.
Tolekan Ismailova is one of Kyrgyzstan's best-known human rights activists, campaigning against the abuses of Akayev's government. In response, the government ran a smear campaign, accusing her of corruption.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA (Translation):
I lost my mother because she kept reading the papers which were always at me. Perhaps, it's my personal opinion, of course, but she had hypertension and she couldn't bear all that terrible pressure that came from the government newspapers. I lost my mum.
After her mother's death, Tolekan continued to take the government to task. She soon received another warning.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA (Translation):
I was leaving the house, my husband was behind me. And so, early in the morning, as I stepped into the street, a young man gave me a powerful blow. I lost consciousness. It went right across here.
Meanwhile, back at Bishkek's Manas airport, the Akayev personal fortune is growing by the hour. The exclusive refuelling contract at the airport is owned by President Akayev's son-in-law. And, with the US and Australia pouring millions into this place and aircraft taking off every other minute, the Akayevs are making a killing.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
It's a family business once again. Only the president's son-in-law can supply fuel. It's business. Just business.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA (Translation):
When the American troops and other representatives of democratic countries arrived at Manas airport, we thought our human rights situation would improve. Without that, the fight against terrorism is too vulnerable. But all the fuel that's used to service that airport... who's behind it? Once again, Akayev's son-in-law.
Kyrgyzstan's political opposition is now asking whether the US can really be trusted.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation):
Americans have no permanent allies, only permanent interests. Where interests are involved, principles can be set aside. The people of Kyrgyzstan now understand that quite well.
BARD SINGING AT HORSE COMPETITION:
"I will tell you the story of the Kyrgyz people. In the days long gone, they rode like the wind. Warriors of Kyrgyz, tall and brave raced their horses and fought for a great victory..
At the Bishkek hippodrome, teams of horsemen from all over Central Asia are tussling violently over a goat carcass. As Akayev watches on, just below stands one of his many Russian bodyguards. The briefcase he holds turns into an automatic rifle at the press of a button. More than a decade into his rule, public anger has reached new heights and the president is starting to feel the pinch. Many believe that Akayev knows himself that his days at the top are numbered.
ADAHAN MADUMAROV (Translation): T
he sooner he quits, the better it will be for him, for the state, for the people. The soon he resigns, the more authority he'll retain. The people can still forgive him. We can't allow him to drive the country to the point where the people rise against him. We can't allow that to happen. We can't.
TOLEKAN ISMAILOVA:
Which way will Kyrgyzstan go? That's the main question. Either it will revert back to being an empire's underbelly, serving its interests and growing ever more corrupted, or it will become a normal, independent country with the fantastic people that we have now. A country built on the principles of democracy, with good, answerable government.