An
ABC Production
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Gunfire
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01:00:00:00 |
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Uechtritz: Montenegro’s elite special force commandos
in an anti-terrorist exercise. There’s little doubt who they and their
president regard as the terrorist. |
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President Djukanovic
speaks |
President
Djukanovic:
Mr. Milosevic is the most dangerous man in the whole region and a man
from whom this country and the whole region has to
be protected. |
00:35 |
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Soldiers take part in training
exercise. Dissolve to: |
Uechtritz: Tiny Montenegro knows it may become the
epicentre of the next Balkans war. |
00:46 |
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Map of Balkans region. Yugoslavia,
Serbia and Montenegro highlighted. Cetinje highlighted within Montenegro |
Music
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Montage of images Montenegrin
countryside/people/landscape and coastal city |
Monks
chanting |
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Uechtritz: History wafts through the monasteries and
mountains of this ancient land, and laps at the shores of its glorious
coastline. |
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Unlike
their brother Serbs, Montenegrins boast their land was never completely
conquered. Not in 500 years of fighting the Ottoman Empire, not by the Nazis.
The independent streak remains fierce. Montenegro is the smaller of the two
republics remaining in Yugoslavia. Now many here want to break from Serbia. Montenegro
was annexed by Serbia after the Great War, and has
been the perennial Yugoslav little brother. |
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Montage wedding celebration with guns
fired/people singing/ Montenegrin flag |
Car
horns/Gunfire/Wedding singing |
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Uechtritz: So even a wedding in Cetinje these days
becomes a political statement. Flags of the old Montenegrin state have been
dusted off. |
01:58 |
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These
are hardcore nationalists, but polls show at least 45% of their compatriots
also favour independence. |
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Priest blesses Bride and Groom at wedding
ceremony/men fire guns in celebration |
Wedding
ceremony |
02:11 |
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Uechtritz: And the ceremony is by the Montenegrin
Orthodox Church, recently restored after being taken over by the Serb
version, 80 years ago. |
02:20 |
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To an
intoxicating brew, add guns. And it’s said every Montenegrin man has one,
somewhere. And is ready to use it. |
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Montage men run along street with
guns/men in uniform |
And
last year in Cetinje, civilians and Montenegrin police nearly did use them,
against the Yugoslav army of Slobodan Milosevic. |
02:46 |
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Sasa speaks |
Sasa: The first spark that explodes over
Montenegrin territory will result in a bloodbath. |
02:55 |
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Uechtritz speaks to Sasa and two others on street/Sasa/civilian
pushed forward by soldiers/soldiers and civilians |
Uechtritz: Sasa Pajavic was at home when the army came to conscript him. |
03:03 |
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Sasa: I said I didn’t want to go and kill
innocent people. I didn’t want to serve the reg ime of
Slobodan Milosevic. Some of my friends jumped in to help and that’s how we
managed to get rid of them. |
03:26 |
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Sasa and brother on
street |
Sasa: We were an independent country until 1918
but then we lost our statehood, and in 1920, our church as well. We have lost
our state and our religion but I hope we will manage
to regain our independence. Djukonovic:
This (Milosevic) regime has always been turned towards the past and following
the path of the ‘Hajduks’ has made used to bloody springs. We in Montenegro
do not have any illusions that he will spare us this scenario. |
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Djukonovic gives public
address |
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Djukonovic gives public
address/riot |
Uechtritz: Carrying their hopes is Montenegro’s
youthful president, Milo Djukanovic, already
demonised by Milosevic and many at home for refusing to denounce last year’s
NATO air attacks. |
04:14 |
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Djukanovic’s
very election to office nearly provided the feared ignition. Serb and
Yugoslav loyalists, some armed with Kalashnikovs and Molotovs,
tried to storm the presidency. They were seen off by police tear gas. |
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Police in training exercise/ Café
scene/hands count money/soldiers man roadblock/army trucks on the move |
Since
then the president has been boosting his police force, an army in all but
name. |
04:37 |
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Young
Montenegrins follow his western trend, their tender now, not Yugoslav Dinar,
but the Deutschmark. When Djukanovic adopted the
German money as his official currency, Milosevic retaliated by sealing the
internal border, choking off the supply of food and medicine from Serbia. |
04:46 |
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Local
say tarpaulins on army trucks seen moving from Serbia, cover multiple rocket
launches. |
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Djukonovic speaks to Uechtritz |
Uechtritz: Mr. President, Slobodan Milosevic has
blockaded your border, there’s talk of paramilitaries here to destabilise
your government, what is Milosevic up to? |
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Djukanovic: Mr. Milosevic has over the last ten years of his
rule clearly demonstrated that the only thing he is interested in is
strengthening his own dictatorial power. Mr. Milosevic has shown a great
inclination to cause crisis and conflicts in order to
camouflage his responsibility for the ever-decreasing standard of living of
the people he leads. |
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Uechtritz and Djukanovic in conversation |
Uechtritz: I asked the president whether he could rely
on the Yugoslav army, especially its Montenegrins conscripts, not to take up
arms against their countryman. |
05:43 |
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Djukanovic:
Above all, I hope that the Yugoslav army is going to be able to resist this
latest attempt by Milosevic to use it again for his crooked deeds. If this
doesn’t happen and the army is once again drawn into an adventure against the
democracy and the will of the people of Montenegro that will be the end of
the Yugoslav army. |
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SOT commander:
There is not a single task that our unit cannot deal with, so long as it is
in accordance with the constitution and the orders of our commanders and the
President of the Republic. |
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Soldiers in training |
Uechtritz: They look impressive, but Djukanovic’s special forces are hopelessly out muscled,
by the massive firepower of the Yugoslav army. Surely Montenegro would need
weapons from the west , or NATO itself. |
06:37 |
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Djukanovic |
Djukanovic: I have never directly sought military aid
from the West in order to protect Montenegro- but I
have warned foreign officials that their responsibility for the stability of
the Balkans is greater than ours. |
06:52 |
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Djukanovic meets supporters
and envoys |
Uechtritz: while the president is under domestic
pressure to hurry to a referendum, he has a rotating door of foreign envoys
urging him not to provoke Milosevic. Djukanovic has
proposed to Belgrade a confederation of equal partners, with separate foreign
relations. |
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Djukanovic |
Djukanovic: I repeat we are not going to rush
nervously into independence knowing that this could provoke internal
conflicts which nobody needs anymore- and which have already torn the Balkans
apart- but if Serbia is not willing to take up this civilised offer we will
not give up our strategic national and state interests and we will take the
route towards independence. |
07:34 |
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Uechtritz: But it’s a tricky, dangerous path. |
08:02 |
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Pavicevic and Uechtritz look at photos |
Pavicevic: This is just a picture of my activities
over the last ten years. |
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Uechtritz: Mileta Pavicevic fiercely opposes Djukanovic
and Montenegrin independence. His walls document a high
profile role in the fight to keep Yugoslavia intact. |
08:11 |
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Pavicevic: It’s difficult, because Serbia and
Montenegro are one nation- one Serbian and orthodox nation. There are one
million Serbs in Belgrade. Separating Serbia and Montenegro would be
difficult indeed. This is really terrible- it could
lead to a disaster. I don’t know what will happen
but the situation is very tense. |
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Pavicevic
takes us to visit his Serbian tribe in the mountains. |
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Montage Pavicevic
greets old lady/Villagers go about village tasks |
Pavicevic: Look at her! For ninety years she’s been a
Serb! Do you agree we should live with the Serbs? Old
lady: Of course
I do. Pavicevic: There you go. Uechtritz: This is pro-Serbia, pro-Milosevic country.
The people are as intensely proud as they are poor. Their view of history is
that Montenegrins are basically Serbs, but tougher. As the core of the
estimated 40% who don’t want to sever ties with Serbia, they’re the main
reason President Djukanovic hasn’t yet announced
his referendum. |
09:15 |
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Pavicevic talks to lady |
Pavicevic: And are you from Serbia? Woman: Yes we are, thank
God…the whole village is. Pavicevic: God willing. |
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Villager with young boy/villagers at
meeting/ |
Father: Show them who you are! Give them the
Serbian salute. |
09:49 |
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Uechtritz: Each new generation is raised to respect
Serbian warrior traditions and the very essence of being Serb. |
09:55 |
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Man
at meeting: We are ready for the
referendum. Our people want to stay in the federation. They could win only by
stealing votes, as they did last time. Even in that case they would not be
able to secede- I can guarantee that. If need be, we will shoot but they
won’t get away with secession. |
10:00 |
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Demonstration rally |
Uechtritz: We found a very different sort of defiance
when we ventured into Serbia itself, at least in the town of Kraljevo. These Serbs are on the streets because they’re
sick of Milosevic, and his wars. |
10:22 |
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Man
at rally: Dear friends, we have
gathered here tonight to protest against evil people…. |
10:41 |
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Uechtritz: Milosevic police had confiscated the
television transmitter of the local independent station. It had dared voice
opposition to yet another caller of army reservists.
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10:52 |
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Townsfolk
feared the call-up meant a fifth Milosevic war was imminent. Leading nightly
marches were young locals of the Serbia wide OTPOR, or resistance movement. |
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Bojan and Uechtritz/People and soldiers on street |
Bojan:
Young people are dying,
young people are going away. |
11:17 |
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Uechtritz: Bojan Brkic is one of the resistance leaders. |
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Bojan: This is a small community. We have about
100,000 people here you know, and many of our people were called up into war,
last war, you know, war in Kosovo, about 23,000 you know. |
11:23 |
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Uechtritz: The uniforms on the street reinforce those
staggering figures. Literally one quarter of Kraljevo’s
total population, and an even higher percentage of young people were called
up for Kosovo. Forty-one died and hundreds more were wounded in that war.
Previous wars claimed thousands, just about every child playing in Kraljevo square has a relative affected by war. It’s this generation resistance wants to
save. |
11:42 |
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Uechtritz and Bojan at resistance headquarters/rally |
Uechtritz: So it really is
underground? |
12:12 |
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Bojan: Yes, it’s really
underground. You can see that they’re afraid of us, because only our
activists are being arrested, you know. Not the leaders of opposition
parties, not the people at rallies that you see, but only us. |
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The
activists were beaten up by police, and the material was took
from them, and even… thirteen members were arrested at that moment. |
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Rally/Dusan
at rally with supporters and at graveyard |
Uechtritz: Dusan Vukovic has become a symbol of Kraljevo’s
agony. The students have adopted him as a sort of figurehead. They call him
father. |
13:03 |
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But
Dusan and Snezana Vukovic’s real son Alexander lies in the Kraljevo graveyard. They visit him every day. A ritual
not missed in the twelve months since he was killed in Kosovo. SOT:
This Milosevic robbed him of his youth, his love of sport and everything
else. |
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Dusan
became a local hero when he publicly refused to accept a medal for his dead
son, sent by Slobodan Milosevic. The scene with Milosevic’s envoy has become folklore. |
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Woman at grave/Dusan
at grave and at home |
Dusan: …This is very hard. It’s a tragedy, not
only for my son but for all the other families in this tortured land. I’m not
defending NATO. What they did… they should have done by other means. They
should have bombed the tyrant… the psychopath… and he should be bombed, even
as we speak. |
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Uechtritz with Dusan and wife at home/Uechtritz
at Student meeting |
Uechtritz: Risky language in a country where someone
was jailed for a year for carrying a sign saying, Free Media. The students
too, risk all. |
13:58 |
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Student: I think there is a real danger. I think
that there is a possibility to begin war in Montenegro. I think that our
people must do something to bring police and army on our side. |
14:06 |
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Student2 : We think this is our last chance and we have no more
time to lose. Losing the time means losing the people. This is our last
chance. |
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Uechtritz: We saw protests last year, we saw protests
in 1996, big protests. I was reporting in 1991, way back then, anti-Milosevic
rallies… Yes, big demonstrations. But what makes you think now your protests
and your rallies will make any difference. |
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Marina: Yes, I think we are the last chance
generation. We tried in ’91 as you said, in ’96. People just don’t have the
energy. The government is playing with he energy of
these people. They are so weak, they are in some lethargic state, they’re so
hopeless. They don’t know who to trust. They feel betrayed. |
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Uechtritz: NATO’s bombs have made their task harder. |
14:54 |
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Zjelko: We think that with bombing they just help
Milosevic... Not anyone else… Not anyone else. They did a great job for
Milosevic, by bombing. They didn’t help us, or anyone in this country but
him. |
14:59 |
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Marina:
I think this bombing was one of the terrible mistakes of the last century but
we are ready to forgive that, we are ready to start again with a new
strength, with a new people, to make Serbia not to be a black hole in the
cosmos as it is now, just to be part of the world. |
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Zjelko: Montenegrins are brothers, you know. We’ve
lived for 700 years with them. We are the same people. So it would the
same – I could call it a civil war,
you know… It would be the national war, that would be the civil war, and I
don’t really know who’d take part, who sane would take part in that war, you
know, because I have cousins in Montenegro. He has cousins. He is
Montenegrin, you know. |
15:47 |
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Maybe
it’s too late for us, I hope not but maybe it is, but for those kids you saw
today on our square I think it’s not too late but someone has to fight for
them. |
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Village scenes |
Uechtritz: That was Serbia itself, but back in
northern Montenegro, among Montenegrin Serbs, the mood is quite different. |
16:39 |
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Zjelko with family |
Zjelko: Their grandfathers and great-grandfathers
stood like this and did the same three-finger salute. |
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Uechtritz: Here, you talk Montenegrin independence,
and you talk certain war. |
16:56 |
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Man: The Kutchis and
the northern parts of Montenegro are
going to stay with Serbia. A civil war
would thus be inevitable. He is trying
to suppress us with his police terror.
He’s preparing the terrain for a referendum. But he has
not the support for the
majority of the people. If he had that
support, he’d have held a referendum long ago. He doesn’t dare separate us from
Serbia. The only way he could attempt
that would be with the help of NATO-
occupying us by force. That would be
the only way. |
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Acting group |
Singing: Oh, you bright May dawn, Oh Montenegro our mother… |
17:26 |
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Uechtritz: The chorus for independence, especially
among the country’s youth, is growing. But the population seems irrevocably
split. A referendum might give Slobodan Milosevic the trigger he wants. But
with passions swirling, the limbo Montenegro occupies, is not necessarily
safer. |
17:48 |
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Singing
END |
18:18 |
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MONTENEGRO
Reporter
Max Uechtritz
Camera
John Barnes
Sound/Editor
Mark Douglas
Research
Anna Bracks