AGFG / TRANSCRIPT
(time-coded and with character names)
And together we shall be Turkey!
I was 16 when the planes started bombing the presidential palace in Santiago, -
- and the tanks rolled into the city in 1973.
The coup in Chile
was my political awakening, -
- and I was shocked by what people were capable of doing.
Mass arrests, widespread torture -
- and young people
who simply disappeared.
Augusto Pinochet's fascist regime showed no mercy -
- when they toppled the
elected government of Salvador Allende.
But the coup had another consequence:
Tens of thousands of people fled the country.
Some came to Norway. Chileans moved into my neighbourhood and became my friends.
President Erdogan's speeches bring back all those early memories.
Once again, thousands of refugees are flooding into Europe, -
- this time from Turkey.
Once again there are mass arrests and widespread torture.
Recep Tayyip Erdogan
has ruled Turkey since 2002.
In his initial years,
he brought growth and stability, -
- until he slowly tightened his grip
and eventually dominated the country.
This change became clear on the evening of July 15, 2016.
I was in Turkey at the time; a warm and peaceful summer night that was -
- suddenly interrupted by news of tanks in the streets of Istanbul and Ankara, -
- and a possible military coup against President Erdogan.
We have breaking news:
Chaos in Turkey. The prime minister saying that the military in his country -
- has taken illegal action against its own government.
Gunfire has been heard in the streets.
Military jets are conducting low flyovers over the major cities.
And bridges over the Bosporus have been shut.
At first it was like déjà vu.
Chile all over again.
For Turks it brought back memories of earlier coups in Turkey:
In 1960, 1971 and 1980.
But slowly but surely, people began to wonder:
"What is this really?" It didn't
seem like an ordinary military coup.
The whole world has heard Erdogan's oﬃcial explanation -
- as to what happened on the evening of July 15, and who was responsible.
Now I am going to tell a diﬀerent story.
The coup attempt in Turkey can be called "The Battle of the Bosporus Bridge".
Despite various military actions
around the country, like the bombing -
- of the parliament in Ankara and shooting at the hotel -
- where the president was staying, the drama on the bridge in Istanbul -
- has come to symbolize the coup.
This narrative has become so strong that the bridge has been renamed -
- "The July 15 Martyrs' Bridge".
Around 9 p.m. on July 15, something happens in the Turkish military.
A handful of soldiers and a few tanks are sent out into the streets -
- to block one lane
of the Bosporus Bridge.
For three years we've worked intensively to try to understand what really happened.
Despite a wall of silence, propaganda and misinformation, -
- we managed to find people who are willing to talk.
Prof. Henri Barkey is the foremost expert on Turkey and the Middle East in the US.
He's been a State Department advisor, written books on the topic, -
- and was just outside Istanbul during the coup.
On July 15, 2016 I was on an island called Büyükada.
I was running a conference on Iran and its neighbours.
But then I started getting
phone calls from BBC, CNN, saying -
- there's a coup going on in Istanbul. "What do you think?" "I have no idea."
I was at the network, at CNN TÜRK. My show finished at nine.
I got home. I turned on CNN TÜRK. And I saw like...
"There are soldiers closing
the Atatürk Bridge." I was like, "What?"
For some strange reason,
the coup started on the bridge.
And they only closed it in one direction.
A coup d'Ètat is a coup against the state.
And the first thing you do during a coup, is to detain the leaders of the country.
The events on the bridge were a show.
Neither President Erdogan nor any other government representatives were detained.
I've lived through many coups in Turkey, but this was unique.
This is a coup that took place at 9 p.m. on a Friday night.
The peak rush hour in Istanbul, when it takes hours to get over the bridge.
This is not the way you do a coup. We all knew this was fishy from the beginning.
The coup plotters looked like amateurs.
If I wanted to plot a coup, first I'd cut the Internet.
Many of those soldiers were cadets. They weren't even proper soldiers.
The cadets who were sent to the bridge, had been told -
- of an imminent attack by ISIS.
They were ordered to guard the bridge.
It took several hours before they realised it wasn't true.
The soldiers have now held the bridge for several hours without incident.
But then, -
- around half past midnight, -
- Erdogan broadcasts his
now infamous FaceTime interview.
He says he knows who is behind
the coup attempt, and encourages people -
- to take to the streets and fight the soldiers.
This is a message to the nation.
I invite our people to gather in the city squares.
Let this small group come with their weapons.
They can do what they want to the people.
I have never known any power stronger than that of the people.
This is when the real drama begins.
Shortly after the president's broadcast, people head for the bridge.
Some of these people are ordinary civilian supporters of Erdogan.
But most of them are surprisingly well prepared.
I don't know how these people
were organised, but they had batons.
Once they came,
the atmosphere changed.
The police are there, but do not seem interested in stopping the crowd.
Anyone familiar with the Turkish police knows this is unprecedented.
The soldiers have overthrown the government.
We have closed the road. We will not allow anyone to cross the bridge.
But if you insist on crossing,
and believe it's safe, then go ahead.
-I'll cross the bridge.
Come on, everyone!
I'm not afraid of dying!
The crowd was heading toward the soldiers.
Most of them belonged to a militant group within AKP.
their hair and beards, -
- made them look like ISIS militants.
In God's name! God is greatest!
Who are these people?
And more importantly, who do they work for?
We had heard that AKP
had begun to organise a militia.
A crowd that could take to the streets if the government was threatened.
These men in the SADAT militia are more or less mercenaries.
That's the only plausible explanation.
The young soldiers defend themselves as best they can.
But they're vastly outnumbered,
and don't want to fire on the civilians.
As night turns to morning,
the soldiers lay down their weapons -
- and surrender to the police.
Now the real nightmare begins.
Because these men have no intention of letting the young soldiers get away.
The police politely step aside.
They had surrendered to the police as civilians.
The police let them go.
Then they opened the way for these unknown men.
They attacked the soldiers and lynched them.
-What have you done?
We've killed four.
Now it's time for the fifth.
I got back the body of my son -
- from the forensic examiners
in this state. He had been lynched.
What had my son, Murat, -
- done to deserve to be killed in this manner?
I didn't leave my son to them in this state.
Murat was in excellent shape when he joined the military.
He wasn't a thug.
He was full of compassion.
That was how he was like.
He chose to attend military academy, even though he was a peaceful person.
And he did great.
We hardly recognised him when we found him.
But he had a deep notch
in one nail because he bit his nails.
That was the first clue. The second clue was three birthmarks on his face.
Even though his face was swollen,
we recognised those three birthmarks.
He was given a peaceful burial.
I hope the truth will be revealed so it'll
be easier for us, and you may find peace.
Why were none of the people who lynched the soldiers on the bridge indicted, -
- when most of the soldiers who survived were sentenced to life in prison?
All these soldiers did was follow orders.
Though from whom we still have no idea.
The aim was to turn the cadets against the police and the civilians, -
- and then sacrifice them.
It was the president who called these murderers to arms -
- when he got out his phone
and told people to "take to the streets".
With "people", he wasn't talking about ordinary flag-waving citizens.
"People" were members of the SADAT militia.
The SADAT militia is very well trained and serves as his private army.
Tayyip Erdogan dispatched these killers -
- with batons, knives, machetes and swords.
They tortured him to death before they lynched his corpse.
The killers made him a martyr.
The navy also received orders to leave port that evening -
- due to a possible terror attack.
At the same time as the soldiers were ordered to the bridge.
The captains on the ships claim they had no idea -
- they would be accused of being part of a coup attempt.
In the evening of July 15, all vessels were notified -
- there was a danger of sabotage or terrorist strikes.
The commanding oﬃcers all reacted to the information by moving to open waters.
You don't need a full crew to do this.
You only need the staﬀ on watch. If I was planning a coup, -
- why would I have left with a crew of 50 when the ship can take 200?
In the chaos, our first priority -
- was to get away from Izmit and Gölcük, -
- to a safe position in the Marmara Sea.
We waited at a secure location. We hadn't been deployed to attack specific targets.
None of us received orders to go anywhere in particular.
We got a radio message from port.
It said that any vessels trying to return would be fired upon.
It wasn't safe to return to Gölcük.
The only logical course of action was to remain at sea.
We've gained access to
all the logs of the battleships, -
- showing exactly when and where they were in the Sea of Marmara that night.
Diﬀerent and contradictory messages to the ships -
- led to meaningless manoeuvres and chaos.
None of the battleships fired a single shot that night.
If I had supported the coup against Erdogan, I would have acted diﬀerently.
They say I tried to attack Istanbul with the ammunition we had aboard the ship.
But ammunition of that calibre wouldn't have left a single bridge standing.
Neither Osmangazi nor Bosporus.
One of the most fascinating events that night still remains a mystery.
Bülent Bostanoglu was
the chief of the Turkish navy.
At 11:11 p.m., when chaos reigned and the oﬃcers desperately needed answers, -
- he turned oﬀ his phone.
While the battleships were out at sea, -
- their commanding oﬃcer suddenly disappears.
At almost the same time as the president's speech, Bostanoglu turned oﬀ his phone.
After the speech he turned it on again.
Finally, at 1:17 a.m.,
he turns his phone back on again.
When the so-called coup attempt was already over.
What was Bostanoglu doing in the meantime?
According to his own testimony, he sat in a car in a parking lot in Istanbul -
- and waited while
the entire country was in chaos.
The supreme commander of the navy.
He has four stars.
There's nobody above him.
All he had to do
was send one single message:
"The navy is not involved in this coup attempt or any related activities."
If he'd simply sent this message,
this whole mess would have been over.
Then, at 9:06 that morning, -
- he ordered the fleet of ships back to port.
The chaos continued until morning, when we finally heard from Bostanoglu.
It was reassuring that someone finally had taken command.
I wasn't at all worried about being arrested when we returned to port, -
- because I had done nothing wrong.
We had sailed to the safest possible position to protect the ships.
The other ships also returned and anchored up.
Bostanoglu since became a hero and is now retired.
Apparently, the navy neither participated in nor hindered the coup attempt.
Like the soldiers on the bridge, all the captains and crew did, -
- was follow orders.
Nevertheless, more than
2500 navy oﬃcers and soldiers -
- have been either fired or imprisoned.
I was on duty abroad
on the evening of July 15.
Later that night, we received reports
of strange events taking place in Turkey.
A month later, my tour of duty was over.
I returned to Turkey as planned.
When I arrived, I was detained.
I was accused of murder, assault, vandalism -
- and being a member of a terrorist organisation.
I wasn't even in Turkey on July 15.
They still claim that I killed one person, assaulted others and was detained for it.
I filed repeated complaints with the public prosecutor.
And every time I was unlawfully punished.
I refused to back down, -
- and was finally dismissed from the Turkish armed forces.
After 15 July, we continued our work for one or two months.
Then Turkey called us back without stating any reason.
But I learned that a prosecutor had started an investigation of us.
Then I understood that returning to Turkey was not a solution.
So I stayed here.
I'm trying to understand the reason why there's an investigation of me.
At that night, 15 July, we were here.
We didn't participate in anything related to the coup.
So why is there an investigation of us?
What you did or didn't do in Turkey on July 15 is completely irrelevant.
Prior to the coup, the Turkish government profiled 2.5 million citizens.
Lists were drawn up based on an investigation of the relatives -
- of over 2.5 million people.
They charted bank accounts, places of work, education.
Investigated which schools people had attended.
They're arresting people based on who they've -
- had phone conversations with the past two years.
All this is done using the lists that were prepared in advance.
The day after the coup, they arrested people who hadn't been involved in it.
So I understood that the process going on is diﬀerent, not related to the coup.
They have a list.
A long list.
And it's a dismissal process.
A purge process. That's what I see.
The soldiers and the oﬃcers were only the beginning.
On the very night that the coup attempt unfolded, the mass arrests began.
Within the first 24 hours alone, several thousand people were arrested.
How was it possible to begin arresting people so soon?
This document from public prosecutor Serdar Coskun -
- formed the basis for the early arrests.
The document is signed 1 a.m. on the night of the coup, in the middle of the chaos.
How could the authorities know who was behind an ongoing military campaign -
- without any form of investigation?
Upon closer inspection
we find several errors in the letter.
It actually describes events that never even happened. For example:
"Troops surrounded the National Intelligence Organisation, MIT," -
- "in Yenimahalle, Ankara. The personnel of MIT" -
- "and the soldiers who surrounded the buildings engaged in combat."
"The Special Forces Command in Gölbasi was bombed."
"The Police Intelligence Bureau was targeted by an air strike."
"The Ankara Police HQ was surrounded and breached by armoured units."
"The Presidential Complex was surrounded."
The prosecutor has confirmed the document is real, but claims -
- that the time of the signing was in fact 7 a.m.
That makes it even more suspicious. Why did he write about all these events -
- that never happened? Could it be -
- that it was written before the coup so arrests could begin as soon as possible?
In addition to a general, oﬃcial arrest warrant, lists had to be made -
- of who should be arrested.
As many have pointed out, these lists had to be prepared well in advance.
I don't know why they put all of us on that list. The reason can be that -
- we got an education related to Western democratic understanding.
Maybe they don't want this, need a purge, not just in the military, -
- also in police departments,
in prosecution, the judicial system.
In every area they must exchange the person, -
- and they will start to conduct a diﬀerent policy.
We must talk about who prepared that list.
There's a person,
a party leader: Perincek.
He's saying, "We're behind the purge. We prepared all those lists."
We had to talk to Perincek
to find out more about these lists.
Dogu Perincek leads the Vatan Partisi, -
- which has cooperated with President Erdogan.
He has strong connections to Russia, China and Iran.
have made him very influential.
While they were in prison, our commanders investigated infiltrators from FETÖ -
- in the military, because it was FETÖ who got us arrested.
FETÖ is the nickname Erdogan has given the supporters -
- of preacher Fethullah Gülen.
FETÖ stands for
"Fethullah Terror Organization".
People from all branches of the military and the paramilitary police, -
- helped prepare
the lists over FETÖ members.
Everyone had access to our lists.
We even published them in our newspaper.
So our list wasn't a list of the people who stood behind the coup that night.
But all the people behind the coup were on our list.
These lists don't just include
the supporters of Fethullah Gülen.
Also Kemalists, Kurds, Marxists, -
- academics and journalists are now listed as enemies of President Erdogan.
Even people who have criticized Gülen for years -
- are now being branded
as Gülenists by the president.
But who is Fethullah Gülen really?
What is certain is that he's a contentious figure, -
- and that he's lived in exile
in the United States since 1999.
Gülen's supporters call him a peaceful, -
- spiritual builder
of bridges between faiths.
His critics, however, characterize him as a conman who seeks to control -
- both market and state through his interreligious network.
You have arrived at your destination.
We were curious as to what
the preacher himself had to say -
- about the accusations from President Erdogan.
All the regime cares about, is loyalty.
They have no room for people with other opinions.
It doesn't matter whether you're a social democrat, -
- support the former Justice Party, -
- if you're a Christian, Alevi or Sunni Muslim.
If you're not loyal to the regime, you're regarded as an enemy.
And this movement is their main enemy.
I'm sorry to have to say so,
but they've made us the scapegoat.
Everyone with the family name Gülen has been thrown into prison.
What's surprising is that Erdogan
and Gülen worked together for ten years.
From the time Erdogan came to power in 2002, they were like brothers in arms.
He came to me to ask for advice on how to set up a new party.
He talked about justice, equality and patriotic values.
The Turkish military has had huge power. I told them he should be -
- extremely cautious
when dealing with the military.
The fascinating relationship between Gülen and Erdogan was really -
- each making a pact with the devil.
Erdogan needed cadres when he came to power, so he brought in the Gülenists.
The two worked exceedingly well together. They had one common enemy: the military.
But philosophically they're very, very diﬀerent from each other.
Erdogan is closer to
the Muslim Brotherhood.
Gülen is the Sufi tradition
that comes from inside Turkey.
But then came the divorce.
For ever since December 2013, when Gülen's supporters -
- supplied proof of widespread corruption in the government and Erdogan's family, -
- Erdogan has sought
to destroy the Gülenists.
We never imagined he would become so extreme, -
- and accuse us of terrorism.
I know that it's possible to hypnotise an individual.
But I don't understand how it's possible to create an illusion that can -
- hypnotise an entire population.
I think that's what has happened now.
We believed in him.
Even though I had some reservations, -
- I encouraged my friends to support him.
It was a sin.
Now we're paying the price.
I think the suﬀering will continue until a strong opposition emerges.
Gülenists have evidently had a huge influence -
- on the state administration and the courts.
But what about the military?
I don't think there were many high-ranking Gülenist oﬃcers.
Gülen was trying to put his own people everywhere. So why not the military?
But the way the system works in Turkey, -
- you go through so many steps before you become a general.
I doubt very much that there were any high-ranking generals that were Gülenists.
No one can claim that I'm a Gülenist!
Four years in college.
Eight years at the military academy.
Then you slowly rise through the ranks. The Turkish military isn't that large.
Everybody knows almost everybody else.
It would very soon come to light -
- if someone had Gülenist sympathies.
Look at the 200 oﬃcers who were kicked out after the coup.
All these Western-educated oﬃcers who came out from NATO colleges.
Those are the least likely oﬃcers to be Gülenists.
They don't like the Gülenists. I mean, is Fethullah Gülen -
- the primary mover behind the coup? I find that hard to believe.
But it was a gift to Erdogan.
Because that allowed him
to really cleanse the bureaucracy, -
- the police, the judiciary. Now he has his own people. And you see the results.
In the middle of all these events, there may be hidden advantages.
This incident is a great gift from God.
Why is it a gift from God?
Because it provides us the opportunity to clean up the Turkish military.
You would think that Erdogan would have solid proof before publicly accusing -
- an organization of terrorism and attempting a coup.
But the evidence is flimsy.
The main source of the accusations against Gülen -
- is the interrogation
of Lt. Col. Levent Türkkan.
The news agency Anadolu published Türkkan's statement -
- a few days after the coup attempt,
where he claims Gülen was behind the coup.
Anadolu had no problem revealing signs of extensive torture from the interrogation.
Other than this, there's been nothing but assumptions and speculation.
The Turks say they sent lots
of documentation about Gülen proving -
- that he was involved in the coup.
But there is nothing, absolutely nothing there.
They're poorly written. They're made up. There is no proof.
Several Western intelligence agencies have stated -
- that Gülen had nothing to do with the coup.
In an interview with the German newspaper Spiegel, Bruno Kahl, -
- President of the Federal Intelligence Service in Germany, said -
- there was no convincing argument C1N03 for Gülen's involvement.
We contacted Bruno Kahl and confirmed his statement. In his interview, -
- he says he doesn't believe the coup was staged by the government either.
But when asked who might then be behind the coup, he declined to comment.
So far, no one has answered that question.
Whether or not this really was
a coup attempt, remains unclear.
Many believe Erdogan, along
with high-ranking military oﬃcers, -
- planned the coup himself. Others believe the coup attempt -
- was simply a golden opportunity for him to get rid of his opponents.
What's the truth is hard to say, but our sources tell us that the government -
- knew of the planned coup
well in advance - but still let it happen.
We know for certain -
- that Tayyip Erdogan knew about the coup before it happened.
Before the coup, Atilla Ugur,
an important army commander, came to me -
- and said that the terrorists in FETÖ -
- were planning a coup. He knew when
it was supposed to happen, and told me -
- that the FETÖ militants were planning to carry it out before August 1.
I asked him to pass this information on to Yeni Safak, -
- the newspaper closest to Erdogan. In addition to this, -
- the Russian nationalist Alexandr Dugin was also in Turkey at the time.
He said that unexpected troop movements within the Turkish army -
- had been observed by
the Russian intelligence services.
Dugin had come to Turkey -
- for talks with Prime Minister Yildirim and Erdogan's advisors.
I asked Dugin to convey what he had heard -
- to them during these meetings.
I met Alexandr Dugin again later.
I asked Dugin if he'd told them about it. He said he had.
In other words, we knew about
the coup attempt before it happened.
We informed Erdogan's government about it through two separate channels.
The coup attempt gave Erdogan almost complete power.
He has used this power to make Turkey an increasingly authoritarian regime.
Erdogan's regime has discarded the republican values, -
- and made Turkey a dictatorship.
Erdogan controls 95 % of the media in Turkey.
Everyone outside Erdogan's circle, whether they're socialists, conservatives, -
- religious, atheists, secular
or nationalists, has nothing to say.
If they put their ideas into action, they're immediately silenced.
It's complete social genocide.
It's like a medieval witch hunt. The eradication of civil society.
During World War II, refugee routes were established between Norway and Sweden -
- to give rebels and Jews a chance to survive the Nazi reign of terror.
Today similar routes have been established out of Turkey.
How many have fled is hard to say.
But several hundred thousand have left the country since 2016.
Many flee imprisonment, social genocide and torture.
We had to try twice, because the first smuggler we had was so clumsy.
He couldn't even inflate the raft himself. Then he managed to break an oar.
We spun around with one oar and ended up back in Turkey.
It was really dramatic.
"Is that a car approaching?"
"Will we get caught?"
-It was scary, but exciting.
-But what if they'd caught us?
If they'd caught us,
we'd be living in prison now.
I was in custody for ages. It was exhausting.
I was imprisoned in August in a cell with 48 others.
I don't exaggerate when I say that we slept in a foetal position.
I had a woman's bottom squeezed against my belly, my legs between her knees.
The lights in the prison cell were always on.
Couldn't tell day from night. Hungry and thirsty.
It was mental torture.
Birgul and her husband had secure jobs in the Turkish civil service, -
- and had nothing to do with the attempted coup.
Both were jailed shortly afterwards. She remained in prison for ten months.
They fled to save their family
from persecution and additional arrests.
The psychological conditions were terrible. But I'm above all a mother.
I'll never forget the first time they came to see me.
Nail, my youngest son, was three years old.
He only wanted to be with me.
The iron door opened.
I went inside.
I put my son on my lap, gave him a big hug.
He kissed me, kept looking at me
to make sure I really was his mother.
When the bell rang, I had to leave.
I wanted to touch my son, hug him, kiss him, smell him.
He refused to leave me. Held on to my collar like this.
Then the guard came and told me I had to leave my son.
I had to force him to let go.
He tried to grab me with his other hand.
When the guard led me away, I felt dead inside.
He cried on one side of the iron door. I cried on the other.
It's heart-breaking for a mother
to have to force her own child away.
I'll never forget how he cried.
It's diﬃcult to come to terms with what we've been through.
I was a civil servant, only a civil servant.
And a mother of two children.
Now I'm a refugee.
The purge after the coup has been relentless.
The extent of arrests and dismissals looks more like the Nazi persecution -
- of the Jews in the 30s than a judicial process.
Turkey is not evolving into a more democratic regime. On the contrary.
Turkey is evolving into a dictatorship, a fundamentalist Islamist dictatorship.
It's becoming a fascist dictatorship.
Erdogan has said, "Democracy is a tram, and we're getting oﬀ at the next stop."
And after the coup attempt, he got oﬀ the tram.
He actually got oﬀ a lot earlier, as soon as he came to power.
He called it "a gift from God", -
- because he saw the opportunities it opened up for him.
They used it as an excuse to install a one-man regime.
Now the whole system in Turkey is designed to protect only one guy: Mr. Erdogan.
He's the red line.
You can't contradict him.
You have to do whatever he says. That's the new Turkish state.
After the coup attempt, Ahmet Sik was jailed for 16 months, accused -
- of supporting terrorism after critical articles in the newspaper Cumhuriyet.
We live in a country with plenty
of newspapers and several TV stations.
But there's only one voice that makes itself heard.
The head of the most important Turkish media is also the country's president.
All media organisations,
especially the most mainstream media, -
- are under government control
or have been forced to their knees.
This is because the autocratic dictatorship that Erdogan has in mind -
- can only be achieved by changing the media message.
They have managed to silence the entire Turkish population.
I'm sure that the orders to criminally prosecute journalists come from him -
- or from his close advisors.
I have sleepless nights. They don't need an explanation to arrest you.
Or any excuse.
If they want to, they'll arrest you.
The sheer number of people who have been purged and prosecuted is shocking.
The coup attempt hasn't only had domestic consequences.
Erdogan's power grab and purge has also led to an extensive shift -
- away from the West and towards Russia.
NATO-friendly oﬃcers have been
thrown out and replaced by pro-Russian.
I think a radicalisation process is going on in Turkey.
When the public becomes radicalised, they need an enemy.
Now the government is using NATO, Western countries or FETÖ as an enemy.
There were two narratives that came out from Erdogan. One was the evil Gülenists -
- trying to overthrow the regime, about rallying around one leader.
But there was also a very anti-Western, anti-American message after the coup.
"We are under attack.
Not by the Russians, the Chinese," -
- "not by ISIS,
but by the US and the West."
The only country that threatens Turkey, is America. There are no others.
America supports PKK. America supports ISIS.
America supports FETÖ.
That's why Turkey has started to find its place among Asian countries, -
- and initiated the formation of
a counterforce to NATO and America.
This is inevitable.
Turkey is now putting distance between itself and the European countries, NATO.
This means that Turkey is seeking a new alliance.
We are in a serious crisis with the Turks over -
- the S-400 missiles that
they're going to buy from Russia.
Turkey is trying to buy S-400
air defence missiles from Russia.
As a NATO country, Turkey can't buy any guns or air defence systems from Russia.
Why is Turkey buying the S-400 system? They must defend themselves -
- against America and NATO.
You can't protect Turkey against NATO with NATO weapons.
Because NATO's weapon systems are controlled by America, -
- who can override them whenever they like.
What should Turkey do? They need the means to defend themselves against America.
To stand up to America.
That's why purchasing the S-400 system is a strategic necessity for Turkey.
It's imperative -
- that Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Russia cooperate -
- against the American puppets.
The new defence coalition is already a reality.
It's not something that's meant to happen in the future. It's already happened.
Turkey has the second largest army in NATO after the US.
The fact that Turkey's ties to Europe and NATO are weakening, and a new alliance -
- with Russia and Iran is emerging, has major geopolitical consequences.
Furthermore, the country is now joining the ranks of authoritarian regimes.
Why do western leaders remain silent?
is the extent to which the West -
- never wants to confront Turkey, neither about human rights nor the Middle East.
Nobody wants to take a chance.
Still, the greatest tragedy -
- is the human one.
I've personally considered Turkey to be my second home the past 25 years, -
- and have a close relationship with this beautiful and important nation.
As for all those who have had to flee after what took place on July 15, 2016, -
- the grief over losing their homeland is almost impossible to comprehend.
I grew up in Turkey.
I knew every boat -
- that went between Istanbul and Büyükada. I had my favourite boats.
I mean, it was just magic.
And as I said, my whole history is there.
My child says to me,
"I want to go to Turkey."
Because she knows that it's sunnier. And she loves the sun.
She wants to swim.
And she says to me, "When will we go to Turkey?" I say that I don't know.
"But I'm sure one day this period will be over," -
- "and we will be able to go to Turkey."
I'm going to appeal it to
the European Court of Human Rights.
That's how I'll find justice.
This government has stolen the future from the children of this country.
0585 : 10:56:58:21,10:57:03:22,10
I believe that we must work
to reclaim what they've stolen, -
- and preserve what they haven't been able to steal yet.
0587 : 10:57:09:03,10:57:13:03,10
It's diﬃcult, but we all have to take risks.
I'm going to write my story. Maybe it'll become a novel.
I think the first sentence I write will be:
"This is a true story about real people."
I still don't know how it'll end.