New
Speaker: |
In
Cambodia, mass murder has become part of the landscape. |
Pensakin: |
Come
on. Come on. Go. [foreign language]. |
Speaker
1: |
Behind
their village is Phnom Sampeau Mountain, one of 540
known execution sites of the Khmer Rouge. For the local children, it's like a
macabre ghost story, complete with child killing monsters and a cave full of
bones, but here, the monsters were real, and the horrors really happened. |
Pensakin: |
When
the boy and girl is small [inaudible] push down and die. |
Speaker
1: |
And
the reason why the Khmer Rouge killed people by throwing them on rocks was
quite simple, it saved on bullets. The Khmer Rouge programme of genocide was
far more ambitious than even Hitler's or Stalin's. In less than four years,
they would kill almost a quarter of their population, old people, young
people, even babies were slaughtered in the thousands. But what really
distinguishes it is that most of the people who planned and ordered this are
alive and well. They live just down the road. Men like Khieu Samphan, the Khmer Rouge Prime Minister, now enjoying a
full amnesty and expecting full forgiveness. |
Khieu
Samphan: |
As
for all of the Cambodians, let bygones be bygones. |
Speaker
4: |
Are
you prepared at all to say sorry to the Cambodians that died under your
regime to those who survived? Are you prepared in any way? Do you have any
remorse for what you've done? |
Khieu
Samphan: |
Yes,
sorry. Very sorry. |
Speaker
1: |
And
Pol Pot's brother-in-law, Leng Sary,
ranked number five in the genocidal hierarchy, now enjoying a royal pardon.
At least six other members of the Khmer Rouge cabinet are living in
comfortable retirement. |
Speaker
5: |
They
look pretty happy to me. I met them a couple of times, and they have nice
villa with air conditioning. They have nice cars. I'm sure they don't want to
die. I can guarantee you that, and they have plenty of resources to take care
of themselves. |
Speaker
1: |
Few
acts in history can compare to their crimes. Led by Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge
set out to destroy Cambodian society to create a perfect revolution of the
states. Millions were expelled from the cities to work as slave labourers on
the land. Hundreds of thousands died from starvation and disease. Just as
many were executed, was counter revolutionaries. Wherever possible, the Khmer
Rouge killed their wives and children, too. |
|
In
the Village of Phnom Sampeau, not a single family
escaped the killing spree. By the age of 15, Tee had lost his entire family. |
Tee: |
I
have two other sister, and one youngest brother, and me, and my parents. So,
six people in my family that I lost [inaudible]. |
Speaker
1: |
Looking
back, can you understand how it happened, why it happened? |
Tee: |
Even
now, nobody understand the reason why they killed lots of people here. Even
me, now, I don't understand. So, I would like to hear the reason why from the
former Khmer. |
Speaker
1: |
You
find them just 60 kilometres from his village, passed a jungle checkpoint,
down a dusty bombed out road. This is where the Khmer Rouge fled when they
were driven from power in 1979. Today, Pailin's
40,000 residents still include some of the most senior leaders of Pol Pot's
regime. The governor Y Chhien is widely reputed to
be Pol Pot's son. He insists they should not be punished. |
Y
Chhien: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Why
not? Why not? |
Y
Chhien: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Y
Chin was the Khmer Rouge military commander when Pailin
defected the government in August 1996. 10,000 troops laid down their arms
and swapped their uniforms in return for amnesties and autonomy. Pol Pot held
out until he died in the jungle, but the late '90s saw his fellow murderers
defect on mass. Prime Minister, Hun Sen welcomed them as elder statesman. It
was seen as the price for peace. But most of them still yearn to see them
punished. Dr. Lao Mong Hay has spent 10 years
campaigning for a genocide trial. |
Lao
Mong Hay: |
[inaudible]
themselves, a demon in our Cambodian body. We have to exercise the demon. |
Speaker
1: |
What
happened to your family during the Khmer Rouge? |
Lao
Mong Hay: |
My
little brother was arrested and tortured to death. |
Speaker
1: |
Every
single Cambodian lost family and friends, but none of Pol Pot's deputies have
ever been punished. Now, under pressure from the United Nations, Cambodia
says that's about to change. |
Speaker
9: |
We
will try the Khmer Rouge. I said we will, for the crime that they have
committed against not only the people of Cambodia, but against humanity.
[foreign language] |
Speaker
1: |
At
the proposal before Parliament is not what the UN wanted. Instead of an
international court, it would be dominated by Cambodians, and many believe
Cambodian simply can not deliver justice. |
Craig
Echison: |
The
human remains here, like this skull, are just one small part of the total
collection of evidence. It's incontrovertible [crosstalk]. |
Speaker
1: |
Genocide
investigator Craig [Echison] has spent the passed decade gathering evidence against the Khmer
Rouge leadership. |
Craig
Echison: |
They
were whacked with a log or an iron bar. |
Speaker
1: |
He
does not believe Cambodian judges and prosecutors have the expertise or
independence to convict them. |
Craig
Echison: |
The
Khmer Rouge literally killed virtually every single lawyer in the country.
They dismantled all of the existing legal institutions. |
Speaker
1: |
Last
month, the justice system was put to the test, trying the former mid-level
Khmer Rouge commander, [Chhouk Rin]. He was the man
behind the kidnap and murder of Australian social worker, David Wilson, and
he walked free from the court. |
Craig
Echison: |
More
than anything, the trial of Chhouk Rin served to
underline the fact that impunity continues to reign in Cambodia for the Khmer
Rouge. |
Speaker
1: |
In
1994, Chhouk Rin led an attack on a passenger
train, slaughtering more than a dozen Cambodians. They kidnapped and later
executed David Wilson and two other foreign travellers. Despite this, Chhouk Rin was allowed to take advantage of a general
amnesty. He became a colonel in the Royal Cambodian Army. But, after intense
international pressure, he was charged with murder. |
Craig
Echison: |
Chhouk Rin was not on trial for the murder of 20 Cambodians.
He was on trial for the murder of three foreigners. What does this say about
Cambodia's commitment to justice? |
Speaker
1: |
Even
then, he was let free. Last month, on the first day of his trial, the court
ruled the amnesty excused any crime. The case was dismissed. |
Craig
Echison: |
The
Cambodians were not even able to properly interpret their own domestic laws.
So, under these circumstances, I think there's hope that they can properly
interpret international law for these kinds of very complex crimes. [foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
And
it's unclear when or if Parliament will setup the genocide tribunal. The
government has put the proposal on hold, demanding further negotiations with
the UN. Dr. Lao believes the government wants to
stall the issue until the UN gives up trying. |
Lao
Mong Hay: |
Protecting
the negotiations, and are statesman here and there, and then, they are
[inaudible] trial issue, you see? |
Speaker
1: |
So,
do you think the Cambodian government wants to have a trial? |
Lao
Mong Hay: |
Deep
down, no. Why? Because some of our rulers say we are serving. We're
associating with the Khmer Rouge. They were Khmer Rouge themselves. So, I
believe that there is some of them that have their skins to save. |
Speaker
1: |
Those
major political parties include high ranking Khmer Rouge officers. The peace
deal saw some Khmer Rouge leaders rewarded with senior military posts. Pailin's governor, Y Chhien,
warns any move to arrest them will be met by force. |
Y
Chhien: |
[foreign
language]. |
Speaker
1: |
The
former Khmer Rouge have retained the commercial interests that helps fund
their armed rebellion. Right now, supplemented Pailin's
gem mines and timber holdings with international casinos. Opposite the main
casino in a tightly guarded jungle compound is the villa of Khmer Rouge
Premiere, Khieu Samphan. This house, in the centre
of Pailin is home to Ieng
Sary. In earlier days, he almost revelled in being
a Khmer Rouge celebrity, telling the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation he
would write a history of the Khmer Rougeiers. But
talk of a genocide trial have made him suddenly camera-shy. |
|
This
is Ieng Sary's son, Vuth, the nephew of Pol Pot. He's now Pailin's
deputy governor. His appointment represents a seamless transfer of power to
the second generation, but Vuth insists his elders
are being judged too harshly. |
Vuth: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Do
you acknowledge the Khmer Rouge carried out genocide, that more than a
million people were murdered in this country? |
Vuth: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Under
the proposal, the standing committee of the Khmer Rouge would be indicted.
That includes your parents. Do you support that? |
Vuth: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Every
morning, former Khmer Rouge fighters line up as loyal police to salute the
Royal Cambodian flag. |
Vuth: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
It's
as though changing uniforms can shift the past. Pailin
now appears to be utterly normal, no different from any provincial Cambodian
town. And that's how officials want the world to see it. |
Dong: |
Hello? |
Speaker
1: |
Dong
was once Pol Pot's radio chief, pumping out malice propaganda, averting
violence against their enemies. Now, he presents easy listening. |
Dong: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Pol
Pot's genocide killed five members of Dong's family, but he says there should
be no talk of a trial. |
Dong: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
Doing
nothing would be the easy option, and the threat of armed resistance has
given Phnom Penh a convenient escape clause. Many people say that if the
Khmer Rouge leaders are tried, the war could start again. |
Speaker
9: |
There
are real risks. Yes, there are real risks. If that kind of risk be not really
will appear, but if it's really the real reason, I think we have to think
twice, before. |
Speaker
1: |
But
even in Pailin, many would like the government to
call their bluff. [Sonang] supports his family by
selling gems from the old Khmer Rouge mines. He doubts anyone would lift a
finger to defend their old leaders. |
Sonang: |
[foreign
language] |
Speaker
1: |
And
in theory, there should be no trouble getting convictions. The Genocide
Documentation Centre has compiled an awesome record of Pol Pot's three years,
eight months and 20 days of slaughter. The main targets are the Khmer Rouge
Standing Committee. The survivors now age between 68 and 75. The center's director, [Yok Chun] has been patiently tracking
them for five years. |
Yok
Chun: |
To
see them, who are responsible for what happened, to more than one million
people and walking free and enjoys this kind of luxury. I feel like their
making [inaudible] or something. It's real immoral. |
Speaker
1: |
Occasionally,
he even runs into them. A short distance from the centre is another of Ieng Sary's villas, nevose rich mansion, just behind the Russian embassy. |
Yok
Chun: |
He's
responsible for my sister who died in the Khmer Rouge, my uncles, my niece,
my nephews, my [inaudible] relative, and 1.7 million. And literally next,
just a couple blocks from the centre. I'm sure he may be tapping my telephone
line or something, but who cares? |
Speaker
1: |
Do
they still frighten you? |
Yok
Chun: |
They
should be afraid of me, because I have the evidence to put them in jail. |
Speaker
1: |
There
is no luxury for the Khmer Rouge victims. 30 years of war and terror have
shattered Cambodia. Farmland has been turned into minefields. Communities
have been torn apart. But slowly, many victims are recovering from the
genocide. Tee lived most of his life alone, but now has a family of his own.
Two young daughters are helping fill the loss of his sisters, brother, and
parents. |
Tee: |
I
lost my family. Now, I'm starting to have a new family. |
Speaker
1: |
But
he wants them to grow up in a society that knows the difference between right
and wrong, and that punishes the guilty. |
Tee: |
I
think it's very important for Cambodian people, especially for young
generation. |
Speaker
1: |
You'd
like them to know what happened- |
Tee: |
Yeah. |
Speaker
1: |
...
and what must never happen again. |
Tee: |
Yeah,
yes. Because their grandfather, mother, and their uncle, aunt was murdered
during the Khmer Rouge. But, no, they didn't know, but when their growing,
they might ask me. They might ask me. |
Speaker
1: |
It's
much better now [crosstalk]. [foreign language] Cambodia is still to come to
terms with an unimaginable past. Half the population has been born since the
genocide, but it continues to scar every one of them. Cambodia must now
decide which call to answer, the demands of political expedience, or the
silent cries for justice with a country built on brains. |