Announcer: |
This
could be any village in Spain, but it's not. It's Bayonne in southwest France
and this is how the villagers have celebrated their annual festival for
centuries. These are the Basque people who live in a country within a
country. They want to be recognised as an exclusive region different from the
rest of France and the central government's offer to Corsica has raised their
hopes. |
Agatha: |
Everybody
feels like it's a necessary here. |
Reporter: |
Do
you think it will happen? |
Agatha: |
Why
not? |
Reporter: |
It
happened in Corsica. |
Agatha: |
Exactly. |
Announcer: |
And
this could be any [Delegion] Island, but it's not.
It's Lorient in northwest France where the Celtic tradition is an act of
faith. Here they speak their own language, better understood by the Welsh
than the French and for decades they too have been asking for special
recognition within the uncompromising French system of government. They say
their stark contrast to the rest of France underlines the need for change. |
Hesgolda: |
France's
a point of view, it's a spiritual idea. It's not a country united. |
Announcer: |
And
so cracks have started to appear in the French façade and the push for
greater autonomy for the regions seems irreversible. |
Dominique: |
Somewhere
we know that we will have to do it and we will have to start with the wrong
case, Corsica, for the wrong reasons, but it will push us in the right
direction. |
Announcer: |
The
wrong reasons because peaceful persuasion didn't work for the Corsicans. This
did. Hooded terrorism and an active violence a day, every day for 20 years.
This is an every day occurrence on Corsica, whether
in training or in reality. Special agents hunting down armed clandestine
groups that have terrorised the island since 1976. A simple roadblock in search
of weapons and explosives can be life threatening. Eight policemen have been
shot dead by Nationalists in the past 20 years. |
Police
#1: |
[foreign
language] If the dog finds an explosive it will lay down next to the vehicle
without it touching it due to the danger of the explosive. |
Police
#2: |
[foreign
language] Here in Corsica people do not have quite the same temperament or
the same behaviour as on the continent. People here are Latin characters and
hot blooded as we say here. They are quite a violent people. |
Announcer: |
For
20 years the central government fought against the Corsican Nationalists,
politically and physically. [Eforall] lost his
business when Special French agents came ashore one night and burned down his
restaurant. An exercise that became known as Rainbow Warrior II. He was
targeted merely on suspicion of collaborating with Corsican Nationalists. |
Eforall: |
[foreign
language] I really hope Corsica will move on and that this did not happen for
nothing. |
Announcer: |
The
French government took the view that there was too much at stake nationwide
to allow any one region to break away. International affairs expert,
[Dominique Mosey] has studied the French character for decades and he says
there is a popular view that the centralised system is the pillar of French
society. Shake that and you threaten French identity. |
Dominique: |
I
think the central point is really the French Revolution which still is
present as the fundamental element to explain French character. At the time
of the French Revolution, you had the [foreign language] which were for
centralization were resisted the attempt by the [foreign language] to give
power to the regions and the present Interior Minister of France, Jean Pierre
Chevenement is a modern [foreign language], coming
straight out of the French Revolution. "Don't touch my centralised state
because if you do so you are unsettling, threatening my identity." |
Announcer: |
But
the regions have their own identities. It just happens that on Corsica, it's
an identity rooted in a history of violence. The festivals, the pageants
celebrate a culture of conflict. These people we're constantly told live in
clans, isolated from one another. There is no sense of harmony. The ratio of
police to civilians is higher here than anywhere else in France and yet
paradoxically it is a land of great beauty, spectacular coastline, impressive
architecture. A paradise settled with one of the world's worst political
cultures. |
Speaker
9: |
[foreign
language] The image you use of beauty and blood is a terrible image. It is
ever present in our minds, in everybody's minds obviously. |
Announcer: |
The
violence is driven by a complex amalgam of extreme nationalists and the
Mafia. |
Dominique: |
The
power of Corsica is something very specific which is really about not the
excess of the state, but the lack of the state who does not resist the power
of local Mafias which are in fact reducing the role of the state. |
Announcer: |
So
imagine the astonishment when the French government, tired of the bloodshed
and conflict finally offered the Corsican Regional Assembly what it has long
denied the other regions, limited autonomy. It would be a gradual transfer of
power to the Assembly and the prospect of a constitutional amendment, giving
Corsicans the right to adopt their own laws. |
Dominique: |
Public
opinion is divided. Probably public opinion is more Jacobin than the elite
because it is less aware of the realities of globalisation. |
Announcer: |
The
Basque country of France in the southwest, just across the border from the
Spanish basques whose push for independence has a
much higher profile, largely because in the Spanish province, bombings and
assassinations are routine. Here, the French basques
have more modest ambitions, though they are nevertheless fiercely
independent. This game of [collotte] is a measure
of that independence. It is a major sport in the Basque region but nowhere
else in France. |
Athlete
#1: |
I
really know when I was a little kid, I watch a game and I fell in love with
it. I wanted to play it because I felt a basket we use, it's kind of magic
that you can catch a ball that goes so fast and then you can throw it even
faster. |
Announcer: |
It
is a mediaeval form of squash. They say the fastest ball game in the world
and the annual festival in Bayonne graphically demonstrates the community
spirit of the Basque people. The whole town decks out in red and white and
the central event is a reflection of their neighbours to the south. Hundreds
of young men gather in the village square essentially to encourage cows to
charge at them. Those who manage to get in the way are fated as heroes, but
their approach to politics is far more peaceful. |
Agatha: |
We
only want to do things democratically. In '81, 1981, Francois Mitterrand
which was elected President with here at the south voices, the votes. He
promised us department and since then nothing was done. |
Announcer: |
Agatha
[Harrisby's] typical of the younger generation
signing up to the various autonomous movements in the Basque region. |
Agatha: |
Actually
what is proposed to Corsica by the French government is even further that
what we can ask here. When we are asking for the department, Corsica is
getting an autonomy, which is a step over the department. |
Announcer: |
But
Agatha and her friends are more encouraged than angry, convinced that Corsica
has finally broken the mould. |
Dominique: |
I
do believe deeply that given the process of European unification, given the
process of globalisation, France will have to adjust itself to a new relation
with its regional. |
Announcer: |
For
one week every year, Lorien in the northwest
province of Brittany is the Celtic capital of the world. More than 400000
people visit the town at festival time and the visitors are not exclusively
Celtic. They come from all over France. |
Dominique: |
When
you see the great festival in Brittany, the bagpipes, the freedom, the
liberty, the French like it, but up to a point. It is accepted as long as it
is folklore. It is rejected if it is seen as threatening. The national
identity of France. |
Announcer: |
[Hesgolda Afolga] met his wife
at the festival nine years ago. He's now a festival coordinator and he says
that the Breton determination to go there own way
is partly driven by a passion to retain their own language. Something he and
the rest of the Bretons stubbornly instil into their children. |
Hesgolda: |
They
only speak Breton. In a few years they will start learning French, but at
home I only speak Breton to them. |
Announcer: |
The
fact that these people speak a Celtic language rather than French comes as no
surprise when you visit the interior. It is a province of small hamlets,
stone cottages and windswept moors. Everything about it is Celtic. Dominique
Mosey says the French resist the use of any language other than French because
they fear the ever increasing use of the English language. |
Dominique: |
If
we are defending the French against the English on the outside, can we accept
to be attacked from within by regional languages at the same time. This is
anachronistic. |
Announcer: |
[Hesgali] has another theory as to why the central
government is resisting local powers for Brittany. |
Hesgolda: |
France
is afraid of Brittany which is a country which is size of an independent
country. |
Announcer: |
Four
million in fact against just 260000 in Corsica. Now here is one region in
France that does have limited autonomy by default. The Elsas
province was once part of Germany and it inherited Germany's federated system
and the French have never been able to take it away from them. So for
example, the run their own health services and they say they're the best in
France, but journalist [Michelle Annul] says the region is anxious for even
more control. |
Speaker
11: |
When
you want to discuss about small things like water, practical things, you are
obliged to go to Paris and ask Paris permission and the Germans don't have to
ask Bonn or Berlin the permission and the Swedes don't have to ask the
permission to Bjorn for their central power. They are authorised to sign and
to negotiate their own things on a local basis. |
Announcer: |
This
war memorial in a central park is a virtual monument to divided loyalties. A
mother holding two boys looking in different directions. |
Speaker
11: |
It's
a symbol of the younger generation who died under the French uniform and the
one who died in the German uniform because during the Second World War the
young generation were obliged to join the German army. |
Reporter: |
But
they're holding hands. |
Speaker
11: |
Yeah,
because they are brothers and they have the same mother but they have
different story and they died on different fields but they were both Elsasian guys. |
Announcer: |
Here
though the locals insist they want more local powers, but not autonomy. |
Speaker
11: |
Between
the First World War and the Second World War there was a very, very strong
autonomous movement in Elsas and that movement
turned bad, joining the Nazi regime. Most of them turned to collaborate with
the Nazi regime. So now, here when you say the word autonomy, everyone remind
of sad period which is a very sad period for region. No they speak about
regional power from local power more decentralizations. Any word you want
except autonomy. |
Announcer: |
And
in any case, this wealthy province, the least French of the French provinces
long ago figured out there's another way, exploit the European union.
Dubiousness not with Paris, but Brussels. |
Speaker
11: |
You
can get money for your, even your village if you are small village and you
have some problems and that your problems meets the criteria of some of the
European problem or programme, you will get that money. |
Announcer: |
And
that is the powerful second force at play against France's cherished second
government and ultimately it could be a force even more powerful than the
violence in Corsica. |
Dominique: |
Because
the state, in the global age has become too small for the big problems and
much too big for the small problems and in between you have the regions and
you have the cities and this is the way of the future. |
Announcer: |
So
the regions are raising their voices within a new framework of a hybrid
Europe, a federated Europe, where the currency is no longer under the
preserve of the individual countries. Tomorrow taxation and the economy. None
of this is as dramatic as the French Revolution, but just the same, the
French Neverlution is just as effectively stripping
away more than 200 years of political tradition. |